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Certainly, historically Dom Gueranger and Pope St. Pius X are truly at the origin of the 
Liturgical Movement, that is, "the renewal of fervor for the liturgy among the clergy and 
the faithful." But it is a false and pernicious claim that there has been a "homogenous 
development" in the Movement begun by them resulting in the New Order of Mass! 

This deception cannot be accepted. That is why this book was written. The Novus 
Onto derived from the thought of Dom Gueranger and Pope St. Pius X?! No way. 



The LiWRGlCM Movements a fast-reading book on the history of the Liturgical Movement of 

the last century, How was it diverted from its course? Who made up the brain trust whiuh 
led its early deviation? What was the principle error of these liturgical radicals? In the end, 
who hijacked the Movement to propagandize for Vatican II and a New Mass? Find out who 
were the major players hounding the Popes of the era: Beauduin, Bea, Parsch, Guardini, 
Casel, Jungmann, Lercaro, Botte, Reinhold, Winzen, Congar, Harscouet (Caspar) Lefebvre, 
Danielou, Fischer, Bugnini, Nocent Bouyer, Thurian, Gy, etc. 

The Liturgical Movement shows how since before Vatican II, the New Mass had already been 
conceived-the poisoned fruit of the perversions of the Liturgical Movement How did the 
magnificent first-fruits of this great enterprise, which could have brought so much good to 

the Church, go so awfully bad? 

Far from being negative, The Liwhsiom Movement helps us to know what to reject and what 
we must carefully conserve of the Liturgical Movement, above all for those who work for the 
maintenance of the Catholic Liturgy as heirs and successors of the work of Dom Gueranger 
and Pope St Pius X. 




















Rev. Fr. Didier Bonneterre 



Originally published as Le Mouvement Liturgique 
© 1980 Editions Fideliter 

The English version of The Liturgical Movement first appeared in the Catholic Quar- 
terly Review as a series in 1987. Four translators collaborated on the work: Suzanne Rob- 
inson (Ch. 1, 3), the Reverend Basil Wrighton (Ch. 2, 4), Charlotte Britton (Ch. 5, 6) 
and Malcolm Potter (Ch. 7). Their work has been edited and the text completed to 
incorporate the authors changes and additions to the original articles made for the book. 

Pictured on the cover (from upper left to lower right): Dom Prosper Gueranger, Dom 
Lambert Beauduin, and Archbishop Annibale Bugnini. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Bonneterre, Didier. 

[Mouvement liturgique, English] 

The liturgical movement : from Dom Gueranger to Annibale Bugnini, or, The Trojan 
horse in the City of God / Didier Bonneterre. 

p. cm. 
Includes index. 

ISBN 1-892331-14-4 

1. Liturgical movement—Catholic Church—History. 2. Catholic Church— Liturgy— His- 
tory. I. Title: Trojan horse in the City of God, II. Title. 

BX1975 .B6613 2002 
264\G2 , 00904-dc21 


©2002 Angelus Press 

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or 
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechani- 
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storage and retrieval systems without permission in writing from 
the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages 
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Angelus Press 

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Kansas City, Missouri 64109 

ISBN 1-892331-14-4 

First Printing — November 2002 

Printed in the United States of America 

I believe that divine worship as it is 
regulated by the liturgy, the ceremo- 
nial, the ritual, and the regulations of 
the Roman Church will, in the near 
future at an ecumenical council, un- 
dergo a transformation that will re- 
store to it the venerable simplicity of 
the Apostolic golden age and harmo- 
nize it with modern civilization's new 
state of consciousness-Paul Roca 
j (1830-1893), apostate priest and 

Satanist in L'Abbs Gabriel 

What Christianity seeks to build is, 
not a pagoda, but a universal reli- 
gion that includes all religions.-By 
the same author in Glorieux Cen- 


At the urging of friends we decided to publish as a book the 
seven articles that appeared in the journal Fideliter from May 
1978 to May 1979. We slightly revised and completed those arti- 
cles, which constitute the seven main chapters of this book. We 
have added an epilogue on the influence of the Protestant milieu 
on the liturgical reform by including a little known and seldom 
mined resource: the Eucharistic rite of Taize, dating from 1959. 

Our study is not exhaustive. It has no other pretension than 
to be the outline of an investigation into the causes of the "auto- 
demolition of the Church" decried by Pope Paul VI. 

Our diagnosis may seem severe to some, to those especially 
who, in the springtime of their priesthood, participated in the Li- 
turgical Movement. Almost all of them today realize that their 
generosity was taken advantage of. If some disagree with our con- 
clusions, let them tell us, and show us our errors. 

We would also like to put our readers on guard against a cer- 
tain intellectual habit that has spread like the plague in our reput- 
edly "traditionalist" circles: the habit of pushing opinions to the 
extreme, which leads to taking the most "hard-line" position, 
whatever the cost, as if the truth of a proposition would suffer 
from being otherwise advanced. 

May our readers also shun the habit of mind which oversim- 
plifies things and discounts the necessary distinctions that must 
be made in order to reason correctly and judge justly. 

Lastly, to indicate the orientation of our work, we subscribe 
wholeheartedly to the envoi which the Rev Dulac addressed to all 
who would listen at the end of his remarkable work on episcopal 
collegiality at the Second Vatican Council. He wrote: 

I address the last lines of this work to my confreres, to our 
friends near or far. They suffer, we suffer the humiliations en- 
dured by our mother the Church during the course of this dena- 
tured Council and after. But we suffer in the Church\ Let us not 
think that it is up to us, and at a distance, to heal her of her 
wounds. Let us remember the truly Catholic counsel given by 

viii The Liturgical Movement 

Denys of Alexandria to the schismatic Novatian: "If, as you 
claim, it is against your will (that you are separated from the 
Church), prove it by returning of your own will." 

Let us remember this other advice of Yves de Chartres, which 
we dare appropriate to our object: "If it happens that certain 
complain of having been afflicted exceedingly by the authority 
of the Church herself, then let it be from her to her that they go 
and seek refuge; let them demand relief from the very one from 
whom they have suffered grief." 

We desire, friends, vehemently, to keep the faith "of all 
time." But let it also be salutary faith. Let us believe, but "as we 
ought": sicut oportet} This faith does not merely consist in exac- 
titude. It is nothing, of course, if it does not conform, in its ob- 
ject and in its motives, to the revelation of the Word of God 
made man. But it is nothing, either, if it is not professed in the 
Church, in medio Ecclesiae: in this biological milieu into which 
we were plunged the day of our baptism, faith vitalizing the wa- 
ter, and the water sanctifying the faith, which is become the pure 
light that joins the soul of the faithful to the Light of glory of the 
Lord, living in His Church. 

The Church of Africa knew, at the time of St. Augustine, a 
"crisis" that resembles our own. Let us remember the words 
which the Bishop of Hippo addressed one day to one of the Do- 
natist leaders, Emeritus, who was present in the assembly. "Out- 
side the Church, Emeritus can possess everything, except 
salvation. He can have the Episcopal dignity, he can have the 
Sacrament, he can sing the Alleluia, he can respond Amen, he 
can have the Gospel, and have and preach the faith; but no- 
where, unless in the Church, will he be able to have salvation." 

The Church first and foremost! She alone, the Catholica, visi- 
ble in her visible head, the Bishop of Rome, though one day fail- 
ing, she alone will know how to separate the pure wheat from the 
chaff of all the aggiornamenti." 

It is to help in this sifting of the wheat from the chaff that we 
have written this book in caritate nonficta. 

A consecrated formula, that is found in canons of the Council of Orange 

(529 A.D.). See Dz 376. Its use is frequent in the theology of the Middle 


Rev. Raymond Dulac, La collegialite episcopate an deuxieme Concile du 

Vatican (Paris: Editions du Cedre, 1979), 159-160. 


The relationship suggested by such a title may seem rather 
bold to our reader, but it is not we who see a link between the 
author of the Institutions Liturgiques and the "gravedigger of the 
Mass" (Annibale Bugnini). It is the Roman authorities them- 
selves. In fact, Pope Paul VI wrote to the Abbot of Solesmes on 
January 20, 1975, "I acknowledge the solidity and influence of 
the work of Dom Gueranger in whom the Liturgical Movement 
of today salutes its originator." 

Already the Foreword of the Institutio Generalis of the New 
Missal claimed that contemporary reforms were the continuation 
of the work of St. Pius X. The conclusion of the Foreword claims 
that "Vatican II brought to completion all the efforts to bring the 
faithful closer to the Liturgy, efforts undertaken throughout the 
last four centuries, and especially in recent times, thanks to the 
liturgical zeal shown by St. Pius X and his successors." 1 Thus, and 
we can give an infinite number of examples, the most advanced 
liturgists and the "Conciliar Church" herself claim that there is 
continuity, and even a "homogeneous development," in the Li- 
turgical Movement between Dom Gueranger, or even St. Pius X, 
and Annibale Bugnini. 

That is a deception that we cannot accept! That is why we 
have written this book on the Liturgical Movement. We will en- 
deavor to show the way in which the movement was diverted 
from its course. Certainly, historically Dom Gueranger and St. 
Pius X are truly at the origin of the Liturgical Movement, but it is 
false and pernicious to claim that this movement, at least in its 
contemporary forms, is derived from their thought; worse still 
that it is the continuation of their work. To expound this thesis, 
we must study the history of the Liturgical Movement, acknowl- 
edge its magnificent fruits, but also establish from external evi- 
dence the early deviations of this grandiose enterprise which 
could have brought so much to the Church. 

Documentation Catholique (1970), p. 568. 

2 The Liturgical Movement 

Jean Vaquie, in his remarkable work on the "liturgical revolu- 
tion," called for a study of this question: "We must hope that this 
ante-conciliar period will be the object of study. Then we shall see 
the progressivists at work already shaping their arguments and po- 
sitioning their people for the decisive attack." 2 May this book re- 
spond to this call! May it clarify some points which until now 
have remained obscure! Above all may it show that the contempo- 
rary liturgical revolt was not fruit born spontaneously, but that, 
on the contrary, it is the result of a long and patient work of un- 

The Abbe de Nantes has already addressed himself to this 
question in an article entitled "D'ou vient cette reforme?" 
(whence comes this reform). 3 But the Abbe de Nantes's conclu- 
sion to his enquiry differs greatly from our own. For him the Li- 
turgical Movement was an excellent thing about which he has no 
reservations. This movement should have brought about a good 
and holy liturgical reform, and if it was distorted it was the fault 
of Paul VI — who alone takes responsibility for this deviation. For 
us, on the contrary, the Liturgical Movement which was, admit- 
tedly, a magnificent work at the outset, was prey to serious devia- 
tions in its very early stages, and by a process common to all revo- 
lutions; that is, by continual overreaching of its target, this 
movement reached the point of totally denying its origins well be- 
fore Vatican II and preaching a reform which could only end with 
the New Mass. 

For us Pope Paul VI, and we are not trying to exonerate him, 
is not responsible for the deviation of a reform which could have 
been good. For us he is only the "producer" of a "scenario" of 
which he was not the principal author. Since before Vatican II, the 
Novus Ordo Missae had already been conceived — the poisoned 
fruit of the perversions of the Liturgical Movement. 

Far from being negative, such a study enables us to discern 
what we must reject and what we must carefully conserve of the 
Liturgical Movement. It is vitally important that above all we who 

Jean Vaquie, La revolution lititrgique (Chire-en-Montreuil: Diffusion de la 
pensee franchise, 1971), p. 79. 

Contre-Reforme-Catbolique, no. 101 (January 1976). The Abbe Georges de 
Nantes borrows his documentation from the work of Dom Bernard Botte, 
O.S.B., " Le mouvement lititrgique' ': Temoignage et souvenirs (Desclee, 1973). 

Introduction 3 

work for the maintenance of Catholic Liturgy become the heirs 
and successors of the work of Dom Gueranger and St. Pius X. We 
make the wishes of St. Pius X our own: 

...Our keen desire being that the true Christian spirit may once 
more flourish, cost what it may, and be maintained among all 
the faithful.... We deem it necessary to provide before aught else 
for the sanctity and dignity of the temple, in which the faithful 
assemble for no other object than that of acquiring this spirit 
from its primary and indispensable source, which is the active 
participation in the most holy mysteries and in the public and 
solemn prayer of the Church.... 4 

Tra le Sollecitudini, November 22, 1903. 

Chapter I 
From the Origins to 1920 

We will define the Liturgical Movement with Dom Olivier 
Rousseau, O.S.B., as "the renewal of fervor for the liturgy among 
the clergy and the faithful." 5 The principal author of the renewal 
was a Benedictine monk, justly famous: Dom Gueranger. 

In the eighteenth century, the liturgy had ceased to be a vital 
force in Catholicism. The liturgy, so admirably restored by St. 
Pius V, 6 had suffered the repeated assaults of Jansenism and Qui- 
etism. The disciples of Jansenius had led the faithful away from 
the practice of the sacraments. The Quietists, who had claimed to 
reach God directly, had turned souls away from the liturgy, which 
is the intermediary determined by the Church between God and 
ourselves. This was the period when triumphant Gallicanism was 
composing its diocesan liturgies, which resembled one another 
only in their anti-Roman character. In Germany, Febronius, Aux- 
iliary Bishop of Treves, was spreading his ideas; in Italy there was 
the work of Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia — condemned with his coun- 
cil by Pope Pius VI in the bull Auctorem Fidei on August 28, 
1794. 7 

The whole of Europe therefore was floundering in the "an- 
ti-liturgical heresy" when the revolution broke out in France. The 
cult of Catholicism was forbidden, and replaced by that of the 
goddess of Reason. The Concordat of 1801 restored hope — but 
only trials for the liturgy! The people had lost the taste for it, the 
clergy themselves did not like these ceremonies that they no long- 
er really understood, all the more so as the restoration of Cathol- 
icism had brought back the many Gallican liturgies. 

Aime-Georges Martimort et ai, LEglise en priere: Introduction a la liturgie 
(Paris: Desclee, 1961), p.51. 

P. Tilloy, "Saint Pie V, un pape pour notre temps," Forts dans lafoi, 1974. 
Auctorem Fidei, in Henry Denzinger's Enchiridion Symbolorum, §1501. 
[Numbered references are to The Sources of Catholic Dogma, trans. Roy J. 
Deferrari from the 30th ed. of Henry Denzinger's Enchiridion Symholorum 
(St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co., 1954). Hereafter abbreviated Dz followed 
by the section number.] 

6 The Liturgical Movement 

But the hope of a real restoration remained possible. Already 
Chateaubriand, with his works The Genius of Christianity and The 
Martyrs had revealed to the French of that time all the marvels of 
the liturgy of the Middle Ages. A new generation of young people 
was incited to pore over the manuscripts of antiquity and to dis- 
cover there ceremonies of which the fragmented liturgies of the 
time could give no exact idea. Among these studious young minds 
there is one that stands out — that of Prosper Louis Pascal Guer- 
anger ( 1805-1 875). 8 This is not the place to recount the life of the 
founder of the French Benedictine Congregation; we will restrict 
ourselves simply to indicating the main themes of his immense 
liturgical activities, deliberately putting to one side his theological 
work and his restoration of Gregorian chant. 

In his "Considerations sur la liturgie catholique," published 
in the Memorial of 1 830, the future founder of Solesmes specified 
the twofold goal of his liturgical work: In the first place, to bring 
back the clergy to a knowledge and love of the Roman liturgy. To 
this end, starting in 1840 he would publish Les Institutions 
liturgiques; \ closely argued attack on the neo-Gallican liturgies 
and a wonderful demonstration of the antiquity and the beauties 
of the Roman liturgy. Secondly, Dom Gueranger set out to unite 
the faithful with the hierarchy when it celebrates the Holy Sacri- 
fice of the Mass, administers the sacraments, and celebrates the 
Divine Office. For this he would publish, starting in 1841, an an- 
notated translation of the liturgical texts spread over the liturgical 
year — his famous Liturgical Year. " The Liturgical Year of Dom 
Gueranger," wrote Dom Festugiere, 

is quite simply a wonder for revealing to all kinds of souls, what- 
ever rheir degree of instruction, the spiritual riches contained in 
the liturgy. This adaptability in such a work is quite remarkable. 
The Imitation of Jesus Christ in no way possesses it to the same 
degree. What is the explanation? It is surely the temperament of 
the liturgy itself which the Abbot of Solesmes has completely 
penetrated. The Liturgical Year participates in something that 
does not come from the hands of men. 10 

Dom Paul Delatte, Dom Gueranger, Abbe de Solesmes, 2 vols. (Plon-Mame, 


Institutions liturgiques, 3 vols. (Le Mans: Flueriot, 1840); 2nd ed. 4 vols. 

(1860); "Extracts," ed. Jean Vaquie (Diffusion de la pensee francaise, 1977). 

From the Origins to 1920 7 

Meanwhile Dom Gueranger had founded Solesmes and its 
congregations to continue his work, a work crowned with success, 
as before his death in 1875 he had the consolation of knowing 
that all the dioceses of France had returned to the Roman rite, and 
that already liturgical devotion was flourishing among the clergy 
and the faithful. For Dom Gueranger the liturgy is above all: 
Confession, prayer and praise, rather than instruction. 11 "Dom 
Gueranger," wrote Dom Froger, 

therefore rediscovered the liturgy, he unhesitatingly discerned 
what it is in essence: public cult in which the Church directed by 
the Holy Ghost, Who brings it to life and Who prays within it 
with "wordless cries," sings to God its faith, its hope, and its 

Without in the least misunderstanding the formative and ed- 
ucative value of this prayer for the faithful who practice it, Dom 
Gueranger considered quite rightly that the liturgy, being a spir- 
itual sacrifice, has praise as its main end, and that it sings the 
glory of God in an objective way in the forgetfulness of self 
Above all an expression of sentiments of faith, confidence, love, 
joy, hope, etc., the liturgy cannot but have recourse to song, mu- 
sic, and poetry, as the only language capable of expressing the 
transports of its "sober inebriation." 

Thus the liturgy is lyrical rather than didactic. 1 ^ 

The liturgy for the Abbot of Solesmes is essentially God-cen- 
tered. In this vein Dom Delatte wrote: 

Thus the work of sanctification and supernatural education 
accomplished by the liturgy in the course of time within those 
souls who place themselves within her hands, correlates with the 
work of glorification and adoration which it fulfills towards 
God. Souls will sanctify themselves so as to enter more deeply 
into the state of spirit and truth in which they should adore God. 
Souls raise themselves up so that the devotion they offer to God 
is more worthy of Him. Their supernatural education progresses 
with time, so that they can endlessly praise and glorify God in 

10 Dom Maurice Festugiere, O.S.B., La liturgie catholique: Essai de synthese, 

(Maredsous, 1913). 
1 ' Gueranger, Institutions liturgiques, vol. 1 , ch. 1 . 
'" Dom J. Froger, u L'encyclique Mediator Dei et la liturgie, "Z^z Pensee 

catholique, no.7 (1948). 

The Liturgical Movement 

eternity. It is in God and His glory that finally the whole order 
of things will reach its term and completion. 13 

At the same time at Mesnil-St.-Loup, Fr. Emmanuel was 
working to restore the liturgical life of his parish. 14 Dom Bernard 
Marechaux wrote: 

There within these confined limits where he spent his whole 
life, he had welded together the teaching of faith and liturgy so 
well, that the faithful did not think themselves Christians if they 
were not trying to understand the liturgical texts in order to pray 
better, and to honor God with a more perfect praise.... This phe- 
nomenon of liturgical Christian life lasted for more than fifty 
years without losing strength. It was not a mere "flash in the 
pan." It demonstrates these two points of utmost importance: 
that the simple faithful, by the grace of their baptism are fitted 
for liturgical prayer; and that to bring them to love this prayer in 
a spirit of faith is the most effective way, if not the only way, to 
stop the desertion of the churches. Is not Fr. Emmanuel, who 
brought these truths to light and solved this pressing problem so 
practically, worthy to have his name set beside Dom Guerang- 
er? 15 

For our part we do not hesitate to give the humble monk a 
place close to the famous abbot. Fr. Emmanuel was in fact the first 
to put the principles of Dom Gueranger into practice. They both 
deserve to be regarded as "co-founders" of the Liturgical Move- 
ment, that is, of the renewal of fervor for the liturgy amongst the 
clergy and the people. 

Born of Benedictine fathers, the story of the Liturgical Move- 
ment was for a long time linked with the Order of St. Benedict. 
The Movement was born at the same time as the French Congre- 
gation and developed with it, rapidly spreading beyond the fron- 
tiers of France. While Dom Andre Mocquereau (1849-1930), 
Dom Joseph Pothier (1835-1923), and Dom Paul Cagin (1847- 

Delatte, Dom Gueranger, p. 260. 

Louis Emile Ernest Andre, the future Fr. Emmanuel, was born in 1826 in 

the diocese of Troyes in the province of Champagne. After his ordination, he 

was appointed parish priest of Mesnil-Saint-Loup in 1849, where he 

remained until his death in 1903. While there, he founded two monasteries, 

many vocations to which came from his own parish. 

Dom Marechaux, "Dom Gueranger et le Pere Emmanuel," Notre Dame de 

la Sainte Esperance, October, 1910. 

From the Origins to 1920 9 

1923) were continuing the work of their founder in their mother- 
house, Solesmes set up its first foundations. These were firstly 
Beuron, Germany, in 1863, which then itself founded Mared- 
sous, Belgium, in 1872, then Mont Cesar at Louvain, Belgium, in 
1899, while Dom Guepin set off to Spain to restore Silos in 1880. 

The expulsion of the religious orders from France would for a 
time move the center of gravity of the Liturgical Movement. The 
center would no longer be in France, but in Belgium; already in 
1882, Dom Gerard van Caloen, a monk of Maredsous and future 
bishop of Phocee, was publishing a Missal for the Faithful in Latin 
and French. This was later followed by the Little Missal for the La- 
ity, which achieved great success. In 1 884, he founded the Messag- 
er desfideles which in 1890 became the learned Revue Benedictine. 
In 1 889 at the Eucharistic Congress of Lieges, he presented a very 
daring thesis for the time: the communion of the faithful during 
the Mass. In 1898 a second journal was founded, also in the Ab- 
bey of Maredsous: Le Messager de Saint Benoit. In 1911, this be- 
came more concerned with liturgy under the title of the Revue 
liturgique et monastique. 

However, before we continue our study of the Belgian Litur- 
gical Movement, we must take a look at Rome, where in 1903 the 
person who was to give the movement a definite impetus had just 
ascended to the See of Peter — St. Pius X. Gifted with an immense 
pastoral experience, this saintly pope suffered terribly from the 
decadence of liturgical life. But he knew that a trend for renewal 
was developing, and he decided to do his utmost to ensure that it 
bring forth good fruits. That is why on November 22, 1903, he 
published his famous motu proprio Tra le Sollecitudini restoring 
Gregorian chant. In this document he inserted the vital sentence 
which went on to play a determining role in the evolution of the 
Liturgical Movement: 

Our keen desire being that the true Christian spirit may once 
more flourish, cost what it may, and be maintained among all 
the faithful, We deem it necessary to provide before anything 
else for the sanctity and dignity of the temple, in which the faith- 
ful assemble for no other object than that of acquiring this spirit 
from its primary and indispensable source, which is the active 
participation in the most holy mysteries and the public and sol- 
emn prayer of the Church. 

10 The Liturgical Movement 

Pope St. Pius X was not a just wishful thinker, and he energet- 
ically carried out his program of liturgical renewal. Let us remem- 
ber his exhortation to frequent communion and to the commun- 
ion of young children in the decrees Sacra Tridentina of 
December 20, 1905, and Quarn Singulari of August 8, 1910; his 
letter of June 14, 1905, to Cardinal Respighi asking for the cate- 
chism to be completed by an introduction to the liturgical feasts; 
the bull Divino Afflato of November 1, 191 1, in which this genius 
reformed the Breviary, "a scheme which restores the office of the 
season" — writes Msgr. Batiffol — "without in anyway diminishing 
the office of the saints, a scheme at once daring, elegant, and, with 
the help of God, definitive." 16 By designating the "active partici- 
pation in the holy mysteries" as "the primary and indispensable 
source of the true Christian spirit," 1 St. Pius X gave a fresh impe- 
tus to the renewal of liturgical fervor. For him as for Dom 
Gueranger, the liturgy is essentially theocentric; it is for the wor- 
ship of God rather than for the teaching of the faithful. Neverthe- 
less, this great pastor underlined an important aspect of the litur- 
gy: it is educative of the true Christian spirit. But let us stress that 
this function of the liturgy is only secondary. 

The merit of having understood all that could be learned 
from the teaching of St. Pius X falls to Dom Lambert Beauduin 
( 1 873-1 960) . Alas, this monk was unable to maintain throughout 
his life this hierarchy of the ends of the liturgy {i.e., worship first, 
teaching second), as we shall see in the course of this study, but let 
us not anticipate. 

Dom Lambert Beauduin at first was a priest of the diocese of 
Liege, a "workers' missionary" under Pope Leo XIII. In 1906, at 
the age of thirty-three, he entered the Abbey of Mont Cesar, 
which had been founded by the monks of Maredsous at Louvain 
a few years earlier (1899). Because of his previous activity among 
the secular clergy, his mind had become habitually occupied by 
the problems of the apostolate and pastoral work, and so he 
viewed the liturgy in light of his habitual preoccupations. Very 
speedily he "discovered" in the liturgy, following St. Pius X, a 
wonderful method for forming the faithful in the Christian life. 

La Croix, December 28, 191 1. 
Tra le Sollecitndini. 

From the Origins to 1 920 1 1 

In 1 909 he launched a Liturgical Movement at Mont Cesar which 
was an immediate success. 18 

Let us take a quick look at the stages of progress. First of all 
was the Catholic Congress at Malines in 1909. Cardinal Mercier 19 
supported Dom Beauduin's program with all the weight of his au- 
thority. Four objectives were fixed: 1) Translate the Roman Mis- 
sal, make this book the primary devotional book of the faithful, 
and popularize at least Sunday Mass and Vespers; 2) make an ef- 
fort to help make the piety of the faithful more liturgical and 
Holy Communion received at Mass; 3) foster the use of Gregori- 
an chant in accordance with the desire of the Pope; 4) encourage 
the members of choirs to make retreats at centers of liturgical life: 
Benedictine abbeys. 

Once these objectives were specified and strongly encouraged 
by the Belgian episcopate, Dom Beauduin worked to win priests 
over to his cause, especially parish priests. To this end he launched 
two magazines which had immense success (70,000 subscriptions 
in a few months). These were Questions liturgiques et paroissiales, 
and Semaines liturgiques. Finally in 1914 he published a booklet, 
La piete liturgique, principes etfaits. 

But let us quote Dom Froger in his masterly article: 

Dom Lambert Beauduin's action not only had the effect of 
giving a new impetus to the movement created by Dom 
Gueranger, it also finished by making the liturgy appear in a new 
light. Dom Lambert Beauduin's view is no longer quite the same 
as Dom Gueranger's: that of contemplative prayer, disinterested 
lyricism which sings its love without other objective than that of 
praise. Dom Lambert Beauduin did not misunderstand this as- 
pect of the liturgy, but he preferred to put the accent on its di- 
dactic aspect; he considered the liturgy rather in its action upon 
souls than in its role of sanctification. 20 

Dom Froger takes the conclusion of his analysis further still: "It is 
no longer a question of liturgy as such, rather of pastoral liturgy." 

Dom J. Froger, "Lencyclique Mediator Dei et la liturgie," La Pensee 

Catholique, no.7, (1948). 

Desire Joseph Cardinal Mercier (1851-1926). He was consecrated 

Archbishop of Mechlin, Belgium, in 1906, and created cardinal priest on 

April 15, 1907. 


12 The Liturgical Movement 

Thus with Dom Lambert Beauduin the Liturgical Movement 
tends to become a "Liturgical Pastoral Movement." It is true that 
St. Pius X had underlined the educative value of the liturgy; Dom 
Lambert Beauduin "tends" to insist too much upon this aspect. 
Let us note in passing that Dom Festugiere remained faithful to 
the "theocentric" view of Dom Gueranger. However, let us clearly 
state that at this period it was only a tendency of Dom Beauduin's 
to insist too much on the didactic aspect of the liturgy. We are still 
infinitely far from the inversion of aims in the liturgy that we see 
later on in the history of the Liturgical Movement. Let us add 
with Fr. Louis Bouyer: "Here, then, is the clue to the great impor- 
tance of the Belgian movement — that it never got lost in archae- 
ologism or antiquarianism, and it was never tempted to wander 
off into innovations of doubtful value." 21 Besides, let us be fair 
to the "Belgian Movement" and recognize that if Dom Lambert 
Beauduin "tends" to over-emphasize the pastoral aspect of the lit- 
urgy, he is not the only one in the field. We have already men- 
tioned Dom Festugiere, but we must not forget Dom Gaspar 
Lefebvre of St. Andre-de-Lophem, Dom Marmion, Dom Flicot- 
teaux, Dom Vandeur, nor Dom Cabrol of Farnborough in En- 

All these monks of genius set to work, and books of propa- 
ganda abounded. Firstly one must mention "La Liturgie 
catholique," a long article published in the Revue de philosophie 
(France) from the pen of the great philosopher and thinker Dom 
Festugiere, a Benedictine of Maredsous. This article in 1913 pro- 
voked an immense polemic. In his article, Dom Festugiere devel- 
oped the thought of St. Pius X on the liturgy as "primary and in- 
dispensable source of the spiritual life." The Jesuits — wrongly — 
thought themselves attacked in this serene statement. On No- 
vember 20, 1913, the magazine Les Etudes violently retaliated 
with an article by Fr. Navatel entitled, "L'apostolat liturgique et la 
piete personelle." This Jesuit maintained to all intents and 
purposes, that piety was quite possible without the liturgy, and in 

Fr. Louis Bouyer, La vie de la liturgie, Collection Lex Orandi (Cerf, 1956), 
p.85. [Citations are taken from the English version of the work published 
under the title Liturgical Piety (Notre Dame, Indiana: Notre Dame 
University Press, 1955), p.63.] 

From the Origins to 1920 13 

that way tended to contradict St. Pius X. The Benedictine s reply 
was brilliant: 

He was going to attack a propaganda effort, which seemed 
(to him) injurious to truth, for the good of souls and for the in- 
tention of the Apostolic See. Hardly had Fr. Navatel, in his ex- 
ordium, set out his wishes for the restoration of a liturgical sense 
among the faithful, addressed almost exaggerated eulogies to the 
sons of St. Benedict who devote themselves to that work, and 
protested his zeal to embrace those interests that the Papacy rec- 
ommends, than, forgetting his good intentions and turning his 
arguments around, he began to attack, on almost all points, the 
cause of public prayer and the rites of the Church — the funda- 
mental principles, the history, the sociological bases, the value as 
an apostolic method, its natural effect of obtaining the sanctifi- 
cation of souls — in sum he sets out to discredit the work of those 
he calls "neo-liturgists." 21 

Dom Festugiere stayed his arguments with the authority of 
St. Pius X, and with talent made an able demonstration of the 
educative and apostolic value of the liturgy, all the while respect- 
ing the "theocentricity" of liturgical worship. The First World 
War put an end to the controversy, and once spirits had calmed 
down, Fr. Peeters, S.J., knew how to show that there was no an- 
tagonism between Ignatian spirituality and the liturgy. 23 This 
quarrel had the merit of making the Liturgical Movement known 
to everyone, and of spreading this "renewal" throughout the 
whole world. 

In France, priests and seminarians would go and take part in 
liturgical weeks and retreats in the Belgian Benedictine monaster- 
ies and return animated with a desire to restore the liturgy in their 
churches. This restoration took place especially during the sad 
war years, and, most surprising, in the occupied part of France. 
Dom Lefebvre and Msgr. Charost multiplied manifestations at 
Lille, Roubaix, and Tourcoing. The Vicar General Leconte, Can- 
on Dehove, Dom Lefebvre, Fr. Bayard, published a review, La 
voix de VEglise, which became the Revue pratique de liturgie et de 
musique sacree. Farther away from the front line of battle liturgical 

22 Revue Thomiste, 1914, nos. 1 -3. 

23 P. Peeters, S. J. , Methode Ignatienne et spiritualite liturgique (Louvain, 1918), 
and Conferences at the Congress in Malines (1924). 

1 4 The Liturgical Movement 

associations multiplied: Friends of Cathedrals, Friends of Grego- 
rian Chant, etc. At the Catholic Institute of Paris, Msgr. Batiffol 
gave a series of conferences on the Mass. 24 Fr. Harscouet, future 
bishop of Chartres, published some interesting studies on the 
Masses of Lent and the Masses for Ember Days, then on the 
Masses for Eastertide. 25 Dom Adrien Grea (1828-1917) wrote La 
sainte Liturgie. 1G Then he brought out an edition of the Roman 
Breviary with his own preface and translated into French by the 
Bruges Carmel. Dom J.-M. Besse (1861-1920), an ardent and 
impassioned apostle of the liturgy, took up the struggle with the 
review La vie et les arts liturgiques, which disappeared shortly after 
his death. 

Once peace returned, the Liturgical Movement grew even 
more. Suffice it to mention the liturgical week at Rouen, the litur- 
gical and Gregorian days at Toumus, the Gregorian days at Lour- 
des (1920), actively directed by Dom Lucien David, and above all 
the General Congress of Sacred Music at Tourcoing (1919), a real 
triumph for the liturgy, graced by the presence of Louis-Ernest 
Cardinal Dubois and several bishops and mitred abbots. Later the 
Congress of Strasbourg took place where the French Association 
of St. Cecilia was formed with the nuncio of Paris as president. 
Amongst other desired goals this Congress listed the following: 
teaching of the liturgy and Gregorian chant, communion of the 
faithful at the moment of the Sacrifice, the faithful to associate 
themselves with the Mass by the reading of the text, etc. In De- 
cember 1922, a congress of Gregorian chant and religious music 
was held in Paris. This was the work of Cardinal Dubois and the 
monks of Solesmes, who had returned to their native land after 
long years of exile. In 1924, Cardinal Dubois founded a Gregori- 
an Institute in Paris. In a letter dated April 1 1, Pius XI informed 
him of his "lively satisfaction." What vast renewal was produced 
in less than twenty years. 

In this period Holland was one of the best organized coun- 
tries from the liturgical point of view. Each diocese had its litur- 
gical society, a commission of ecclesiastics officially appointed by 

Msgr. Pierre Batiffol, Lemons sur la Messe (Paris: Gabalda, 1920). 
Editions Saint-Brieux, 1918; and Paris: Art Catholique, 1922. 
Paris: Bonne Presse, 1909. 

From the Origins to 1920 15 

the bishop to promote the Liturgical Movement in the diocese. 
These well-organized societies were grouped in a national federa- 
tion given approved status by the episcopate as early as 1915, and 
endowed with a review, Maandschrifi voor Liturgie, which had 
more than 5,000 subscribers. From 1914-19 this federation dis- 
tributed 209,070 copies of printed liturgical propaganda. Indeed, 
what zeal! 

In Germany, the center of the Liturgical Movement was Mar- 
ia Laach Abbey. Here periodically liturgical weeks were organized 
in a practical way for different social classes. The monks spread 
conferences throughout Germany. A collection of writings in Ec- 
clesia Orans complemented and completed the oral teaching. 
Franz Xaver Reck (1853-1924) published The Missal Meditated. 
In 1921, Dom Anselm Schott published a missal in the vernacu- 
lar. Other Benedictine abbeys such as St. Joseph's in Westphalia, 
Ettel in Bavaria, and Beuron in Hohenzollern were also very ac- 
tive centers of the Liturgical Movement. Already at this period we 
meet names we shall find again and again throughout this study: 
Dom Odo Casel (1886-1948); Pius Parsch (1884-1954), an Au- 
gustinian Canon of Klosterneuburg, Austria; Romano Guardini 
(1885-1968), a secular priest. Of course, in 1920 the writings of 
these authors remained moderate, but that did not last long, as we 
shall see in the next chapter. It was in Germany that the Liturgical 
Movement experienced its first and perhaps most serious devia- 

In Italy, growth of renewal dates from 1913. In this year two 
liturgical retreats were preached for the clergy in the diocese of 
Aosta by Dom Beauduin and Dom Besse. Their instruction was 
complemented by a pastoral letter from Msgr. Tasco, who encour- 
aged all the faithful to take an active part in the celebration of the 
liturgy. In 1921, Cardinal La Fontaine, Patriarch of Venice, 
organized Lenten Stations in his city, imitating the ancient sta- 
tions in Rome. In September 1920, a course of lectures on the 
sacred liturgy was organized in the Benedictine Abbey of Cava. 
His Holiness Benedict XV sent a telegram to encourage and bless 
the priests who attended this course. At the same time the Twelfth 
National Congress of the Italian Association of Sacred Music took 
place in Turin. Cardinal Gasparri wrote to those attending the 
Congress that the august Pontiff "ardently wishes that the faithful 

1 6 The Liturgical Movement 

would participate more fully and more actively in the liturgy." For 
the first time, His Holiness Pius XI celebrated a dialogue mid- 
night Mass at the Eucharistic Congress in Rome in 1922. The 
dialogue Mass was the rallying cry of the Liturgical Movement at 
that time. We will soon see how we should regard it. The "Italian 
Movement" had as instruments of propaganda the Rivista litur- 
gica of the Benedictines of Padua and Genoa, the Bollettino li- 
turgico of the Most Reverend Dom Caronti of Parma, and the 
Ambrosius of Milan. Let us not forget the famous missals of Dom 
Caronti and Dom Battisti. In 1919, Cardinal Schuster wrote his 
famous Liber Sacramento rum, a profound study of the liturgical 
year. 27 The "renewal of liturgical fervor" in Italy, blessed by the 
popes and by eminent cardinals, experienced, therefore, an im- 
mense success, and it was only much later that it deviated from its 
original orientation. 

In Spain, the seats of "renewal" were the two abbeys of Silos 
and Montserrat. Montserrat published Revista Montserratina, and 
in 1915 organized a huge congress, which had spectacular success. 
Blessed by Benedict XV, encouraged by the support of the apos- 
tolic nuncio and Cardinals Serafini, O.S.B., Billot, S.J., Gasquet, 
O.S.B., and numerous bishops, and especially uplifted by the 
presence of 2,000 members of the congress, of whom 300 were 
priests, this congress passed resolutions: to intimately associate 
the faithful with the sacred liturgy, and to put the liturgical books 
into vernacular editions. Dom Prado and Dom Gubianas pub- 
lished missals, while Dom Lefebvre's Daily Missal was translated 
into Spanish. The Spanish Liturgical Movement was therefore 
full of promise, but as we shall see, it was thwarted by the revolu- 
tion, and when it reappeared it was only to suffer the repercus- 
sions of the French and German deviations. 

In the United States, the Liturgical Movement was especially 
concerned with the formation of children. In June 1920, the In- 
ternational Congress of Gregorian Chant was held in New York. 
The Mass was sung by 4,000 children from 47 Catholic schools in 
the city. At that time 500,000 children learned Gregorian chant 
in the Catholic schools. Numerous publications nourished the pi- 

Ildephonsus Cardinal Schuster, Liber Sacramentorum (Brussels: Vromant, 

From the Origins to 1920 17 

ety of the faithful: The Roman Missal (Dom Cabrol), The Sunday 
Mass (Fr. F. X. Lasance), The Daily Missal (Dom Gaspar Lefeb- 
vre). Liturgia by the same author was translated under the title of 
The Catholic Liturgy. In 1921, Dom Virgil Michel, O.S.B., pub- 
lished My Sacrifice and Yours; the Rev. Fr. Hoffeman, O.S.B., pub- 
lished a Liturgical Dictionary; the Dominican nuns of Marywood 
(Michigan) published five brochures, With Mother Church, aimed 
at teaching liturgy in the classroom, etc. As we shall see in the rest 
of this study, the "American Movement" began very well and only 
deviated under pressure from the French and German move- 
ments, but this did not occur until the years after the Second 
World War. 

This rapid scan of the Liturgical Movement throughout the 
world in the years before and after World War I allows us to gauge 
its huge growth. Born of Dom Gueranger's genius and the in- 
domitable energy of St. Pius X, the movement at this time 
brought magnificent fruits of spiritual renewal. However, one 
must not delude oneself, the "apostolic" character of the liturgy 
which Dom Beauduin "tended" to over-emphasize was to become 
more and more pervasive. And that was to be the great temptation 
of the movement: to make the liturgy a means of apostolate above 
all; to bend the liturgy to the needs of the apostolate. The crux of 
the matter is there. As we shall see, it was through being unable to 
withstand this temptation that this magnificent work broke down 
and brought with it nearly the entire fabric of the Church. 

Chapter 2 
Between the Wars 

We have shown in our first chapter the origins of the Liturgi- 
cal Movement. Arising from the genius of Dom Gueranger, from 
the will of St. Pius X, and from the zeal of Dom Beauduin, this 
"renewal of fervor for the liturgy" had undergone a prodigious de- 
velopment, and produced the magnificent fruits which we have 
noticed. We have likewise stressed the precocious germs of future 
deviations which Dom Beauduin had planted in the very princi- 
ples of his movement. But let us continue our study and tarry 
awhile on the strange personality of Dom Beauduin, father of the 
Belgian movement, before we proceed to Germany to discover 
Dom Casel. 

We left the famous monk of Mont Cesar on the eve of the 
War of 1914-1918: he was directing, with indefatigable zeal, the 
Belgian Liturgical Movement. The war, and a series of unexpected 
meetings, were about to divert him for a time from the liturgy 
into the troubled circles of ecumenism. As the trusted confidant 
of Cardinal Mercier — who usually showed better discernment — 
Dom Lambert Beauduin played a main part in the Belgian resis- 
tance to the German invaders. Not only did he draft almost en- 
tirely the famous letter of Cardinal Mercier exhorting Belgium to 
resistance, but he also undertook its diffusion, calling in his 
brother of the famous sugar- works of Tirlemont. After a succes- 
sion of fantastic adventures, Dom Lambert Beauduin had to seek 
refuge in England; and there most notably he made ties of friend- 
ship with a number of Anglican personages. 

After the armistice Dom Beauduin could return to Mont 
Cesar, where he met with Msgr. Szeptycki, 28 Primate of the Uni- 
ate Church, who kindled in him his own passionate love of the 
Orient, along with his ideas on the monastic life. Our monk, who 

Msgr. Andrzej Szeptycki, Metropolitan of Lvov in Galicia, Primate of the 
Uniate Church, i.e., that portion of the Orthodox Church which the Treaty 
of Brest-Litovsk alone of the partitions of Poland in the eighteenth century, 
had restored to communion with Rome. 

20 The Liturgical Movement 

was already chafing at his too "Beuronian," too "Guerangean" 
monastery (that is to say, in fact, too conservative, or too Catho- 
lic), our monk, I say, could now dream of nothing else but a new 
monastic foundation which would restore the life of the monks 
who originally came from the East. Dom Robert de Kerchove, 
who had a deep regard for his somewhat "restless" monk, had a 
mind to give him the chance of more "elbow-room." So it turned 
out that Dom Beauduin was appointed to the teaching staff of St. 
Anselm's College in Rome. 29 

The Abbot-Primate of St. Anselm's, Dom Fidelis de Stotzin- 
gen, a very conservative monk, was unable to control his new pro- 
fessor, who was soon to infatuate his pupils with the Orient. This 
passion for the Eastern Church was only increased in Dom Beau- 
duin by his meetings with Cyril Korolevsky, and especially with 
Father (soon to be Monsignor) Michel d'Herbigny, S.J. 30 In so 
acting Dom Beauduin was meeting the known wishes of the new 
pope who, in February 1922, succeeded Benedict XV. In fact, 
Pope Pius XI from the beginning of his pontificate showed that he 
had a passionate interest in the East — in that enormous Russian 
block which still, in these years following the October Revolu- 
tion, seemed to be hesitating in an unstable balance between al- 
ternative courses. 

Urged on by Msgr. d'Herbigny, the impetuous Pius XI was 
going to liven things up: on March 21, 1924, he sent to the Ab- 
bot-Primate the apostolic brief Equidem Verba, in which the Sov- 
ereign Pontiff took up the grand ideas of Dom Beauduin on the 
capital role to be played by a Benedictine foundation of a new 
type towards a rapprochement with the East. 

29 The college founded by Leo XIII in 1887 as a world center of theological 
studies for the Benedictine Order. 

30 Msgr. Michel d'Herbigny (1880-1957), an ardent Orientalist. Pius XI made 
him his confidential agent for Eastern affairs. Appointed in October 1922 
President of the Pontifical Oriental Institute, and in April 1930 President of 
the Pontifical Commission "Pro Russia." Consecrated bishop in 1926 by 
Archbishop Pacelli in Berlin, he tried without success to restore the Catholic 
hierarchy in the USSR. In December 1931, he resigned from the Oriental 
Institute. On May 31, 1934, he resigned from the "Pro Russia" 
Commission, officially "for reasons of health." He then retired into 
Belgium, where he spent the remainder of his life as a simple religious, in 
strict seclusion. 

Between the Wars 2 1 

The Abbot-Primate of St. Anselm's was baffled by all this. 
How could the Pope give support to a monk whom he (the Ab- 
bot) considered to be "of a highly sanguine temperament, an ex- 
tremely vivid imagination, afire and ablaze for his own projects, 
almost contemptuous of the Western Church, a man with a pow- 
erful attraction to external activity?" 31 Dom Fidelis failed to un- 
derstand that behind Pius XI there were Msgr. d'Herbigny and 
Cardinal Mercier, who at this period was obsessed by a whirlwind 
of "Unionism." In fact, 1924 was the year of the Malines Con- 
ferences. 32 

Dom Beauduin, as theologian to Cardinal Mercier, prepared 
for these conferences a report on "the Anglican Church united 
but not absorbed." In it he brought out in to the daylight his more 
than dubious ideas on ecumenism. But let us now hear Fr. Louis 
Bouyer, who is well-informed on the matter: 

Not only did this report contain serious errors, but it was in itself 
a still more serious error. Instead of trying to define the exact 
positions reached by both parties, he adopted the hypothesis of 
a unity of faith, already achieved. On this foundation he built a 
plan which could only be chimerical. The image of a uniate An- 
glican patriarchate, in which the Anglican liturgy, canon law, 
and traditional customs would be safeguarded, was copied from 
the status granted in principle to the Eastern Churches which 
entered into union with Rome. But he ignored the fact that 
nothing, either in the past or the present of the Anglican 
Church, allowed it to be assimilated to theirs. However, there 
was worse to come. Since it was impossible to ignore the exist- 
ence of a Catholic Church in England, side by side with the An- 

From a letter to Dom de Kerchove, January 20, 1925. 
Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, p. 126. Malines Conferences: a series of 
friendly talks between certain Anglicans and certain Catholics, with the aim 
of defining their respective positions. Their first mover was Lord Halifax, 
chairman of the English Church Union, a section of the topmost "High 
Church," at that time desirous of a rapprochement with Rome. Encouraged 
by Pius XI, Cardinal Mercier represented the Catholic party. One cannot 
ignore the various handicaps which encumbered the Malines Conferences 
from the start: ill-will of the Catholic hierarchy in England, and hardly more 
sympathy from the Anglican hierarchy. Besides this double state of prejudice 
there was the ambiguous position of Halifax himself: an Anglican fully 
attached to his Church, but giving a false impression of the real state of the 
Anglican Church. The appearance of Dom Beauduin's report was to confuse 

22 The Liturgical Movement 

glican Church, it was of this Church that one calmly foresaw the 
absorption, on the supposition of an Anglican Church "united 
but not absorbed." All the consequences of this were drawn, 
even including the suppression of the episcopal sees created in 
the nineteenth century, with the dismissal of their occupants. 33 

Nothing of this was known until later, about 1926. Mean- 
while, Dom Beauduin was to found his monastery, realizing 
thereby the wishes of Equidem Verba. Pius XI was becoming im- 
patient, and the Sacred Congregation for the Eastern Church was 
giving the green light. Dom Beauduin waited no longer. In 1925 
he founded the "Monastery of Union" at Amay-sur-Meuse, in 
Belgium. During this same year he drew up the statutes of the 

His monks, while remaining completely faithful to the Roman 
Church, aim at forming for themselves an oriental soul, re- 
discovering all the riches native to the Christian Orient, and ab- 
sorbing them in full. They aim at acquiring a soul as catholic as 
possible, throwing off all particular prejudices, racial or national, 
and especially resolved to put into practice, as far as lies with 
them, everything that these same pontiffs have said and re- 
peated, so that Catholicism may no longer be confused with La- 

The means to be employed are: initiation into Eastern litur- 
gical prayer; profound study of the Orient; observation of the 
contemporary rapprochement between Orthodox and Anglicans; 
free hospitality towards all those, Catholics or others, who are 
preoccupied with the problem; eventual foundations in the East, 
in order to demonstrate in situ the possibility of realizing a Ca- 
tholicism fully catholic as well as fully oriental. Dom Beauduin 
goes so far as to envisage the possibility of new developments in 
the Church, even in matters of doctrine, which would enable 
non-Catholics to grasp better, and consequently to accept more 
easily, the official presentation of its teaching, a presentation 
which is no doubt exact in itself, but which may still be incom- 
plete, insufficient. 3 

The reader may perhaps think that we are straying outside 
our subject with these considerations on the ecumenism of Dom 
Beauduin. On the contrary, they are completely relevant. Our 

Ibid., pp. 126- 127. 
Ibid., pp.133-135. 

Between the Wars 23 

monk will soon be inserting his ecumenical ideas, without ad- 
mitting it, into the Liturgical Movement; he will be working, 
with his successors even more than himself, to adapt our liturgy to 
the needs of the apostolate, or rather to the pressures of "church 
union." The reader will also have noticed how closely this lan- 
guage resembles that of Pope John XXIII and Vatican II. This is 
not accidental; in 1924 Dom Beauduin had just struck up a close 
friendship with Msgr. Roncalli, who had landed in the diplomatic 
corps after losing his professorial chair at the Lateran University. 
The future John XXIII was to be one of the first and most faithful 
sympathizers with Amay When elected Pope, would he not de- 
clare openly that "the method of Dom Lambert Beauduin is the 
right one?" 3 ^ 

"The method of Dom Lambert Beauduin is the right one": 
this was not the opinion of Cardinal Merry del Val, formerly Sec- 
retary of State to St. Pius X, and now Prefect of the Holy Office. 
The "Monastery of Union" of Amay had founded a review with 
the significant title of Irenicon — the name of its editor was no less 
significant: "Duculot." This immoderately ecumenical review did 
not fail to give scandal. The great Cardinal Mercier, protector, no 
doubt unwary, of Dom Beauduin, had died in 1926. Amay was 
being shaken by grave internal difficulties. 36 

Pius XI was beginning to realize that he had slackened too 
much the reins on which St. Pius X had kept so tight a hand. 
Hence the clap of thunder, in the first days of 1928, of Mortalium 
Amnios^ a veritable chart of the true Catholic ecumenism. No one 
failed to see that it was indeed the "spirit of Amay" which was the 
target. A canonical visitation followed, early in 1928, giving a 
fairly favorable report. 

Dom Beauduin felt that it was meant for him personally, 
much more than his work: so he resigned his office of prior. He 
retired first to Tancremont, after a tour of the East. He was next 
summoned to Rome, during 1929, to appear before his former 
friend Msgr. d'Herbigny, who was still in the Pope's good graces. 
Dom Beauduin was given to understand that he would do well to 
give up residing in Belgium. His next abode was Strasbourg. In 

Ibid., pp. 135- 136. 

Some of its Catholic monks were going over to Orthodoxy. 

24 The Liturgical Movement 

the spring of 1932 there was a further inquiry in Rome; Dom 
Beauduin was ordered to have no further relations with Amay, 
and to retire for two years to a distant monastery: this exile was at 

His retreat ended, Dom Beauduin was appointed chaplain to 
the Olivetan Oblates, who were then at Cormeilles-en-Parisis. 
There he contributed strongly to the corruption of the Olivetan 
community and of the future monks of Bee Hellouin, so adept in 
ecumenism with the Anglicans. Shortly before the war Dom 
Beauduin, now advanced in years, retired to Chalivoy, in Berry. 
But let Fr. Louis Bouyer describe for us candidly the more than 
strange activities of our "confounded monk." 

At Bourges he would come across an old archbishop, a dis- 
tinguished exegete, who had not yet got over his surprise at hav- 
ing come through the Modernist period with so little harm. Not 
only did Dom Beauduin receive a brotherly welcome, but he be- 
came once more the "Missus Dominicus" who would take on 
those particularly delicate missions which authority does not 
quite know how to carry out itself, nor whom to entrust them 
to. A more distant prospect was that the archbishop would 
launch him into a ministry of retreats and recollections for 
priests, for which he would acquire a more and more ardent 
taste. His eventual success in this ministry was to lead to one of 
the most important movements of the post-war period: the litur- 
gical and pastoral movement, which was to spread, after 1942, 
from the liturgical-pastoral Center at Neuilly and from its review 
La Maison-Dieu? 1 

But let us here take leave of Dom Lambert Beauduin, whom 
we shall meet again in our next chapter, working with the mod- 
ernist Dominicans in the publishing house Editions du Cerf, for 
the purpose of inoculating the faithful with his ecumenical poison 
by means of the Liturgical Pastorate. Having started from the lit- 
urgy, the former Prior of Amay, now residing at Chevetogne, will 
return to it, but no longer to serve the liturgical cause, as he had 
done in 1909, but to serve towards the destruction of the Church. 

Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, p. 168. The name of this prelate, whose 
identity Fr. Bouyer so modestly conceals, is Msgr. Martin-Jerome Izart, 
archbishop of Bourges from 1916-1943. 

Between the Wars 25 

"Ecumenical Movement" and "Liturgical Movement" are one 
and the same thing in the mind of Dom Beauduin. 

With regard to the Belgian Liturgical Movement, which 
Dom Beauduin had practically abandoned since 1921, it was do- 
ing well, and remained faithful to the first impetus given by St. 
Pius X. The editing of missals and of liturgical works of great val- 
ue continued during the years 1920-35. In 1920, Dom Gaspar 
Lefebvre published Liturgia: Ses principes fondamentaux?* This 
work may be considered to be the charter of the authentically 
Catholic Liturgical Movement. 

Its aim: to restore Christian society in Christ by making it, first- 
ly, glorify God by the worthy and conscious exercise of the offi- 
cial cult which is due to Him; secondly, to sanctify itself by 
active participation in the liturgy which is, in the words of St. 
Pius X, the first and indispensable source of the true Christian 
spirit. 39 

We cannot but subscribe to such a program. What a pity it is that 
the German Liturgical Movement could not keep hold on such a 
good orientation! 

Germany, Easter 1918: This was the date of the creation and 
diffusion among the educated public of the collection Ecclesia 
Oram, by the Abbot of Maria Laach, Dom Ildefons Herwegen. 
The Abbot's ambition was to recall the German people, crushed 
by the war, to liturgical piety. More modestly than Dom Beaudu- 
in, he spoke, not of a "Liturgical Movement," but of a "Liturgical 
Effort." He did not aim at capturing the masses, as did the Bel- 
gian movement, but at the formation of an elite recruited from 
the numerous visitors of the monasteries. What was the ori- 
entation of this "effort" of Maria Laach? 

Dom Herwegen made no secret of it: he wished to free the 
liturgy from all the lumber with which the Middle Ages have ob- 
scured it. The Middle Ages had encumbered the liturgy with their 
fantastic interpretations, and with developments foreign to its na- 
ture: an excessive and one-sided insistence on the Real Presence in 
the Holy Eucharist, which paved the way to the Protestant rejec- 

St. Andrew's Abbey, 1920. 

Dom Gaspar Lefebvre, Ligurgia: Ses principes fondamentaux, 4th ed. (St. 

Andrew's Abbey, 1929), p.206. 

26 The Liturgical Movement 

tion of the liturgy, and to its disfavor and neglect by so large a part 
of post-Tridentine Catholicism. ° 

Another idea of the Abbot was that this disastrous Middle 
Age turned away from an objective mode of piety towards a sub- 
jective kind. This is the basic theme of his book Kirche und Seek 
(Church and Soul), in which he describes the opposition between 
the piety of the Church and that of the soul as parallel to the 
opposition between traditional objectivity and modern subjec- 

Here we have the twofold "mortal sin" of the German Litur- 
gical Movement: an unbridled archaeologism which finds expres- 
sion in a contempt not only for the Tridentine liturgy, but also for 
medieval liturgy, together with a tendency to form a "collectivist" 
piety. And we are still only in the years 1920-1925! 

The name of Dom Herwegen has long been forgotten, but 
not that of Dom Odo Casel (1886-1948), a monk of the same 
monastery, Maria Laach, with his theory of the Kultmysterium 
(the mystery of Christian worship). Let us turn to Fr. Bouyer for 
an explanation of this: 

To summarize now the content of the mystery — it is the re- 
enactment in, by and for the Church of the Act of Our Lord 
which accomplished our salvation, that is, His Passion and 
Death in the fullness of their effects — the Resurrection, the 
communication of saving grace to mankind and the final con- 
summation of all things. And, as we have said already, the central 
property of the liturgy and, therefore, the central fact to be un- 
derstood about it, is the unique mode in which Christ's redeem- 
ing act is permanently renewed and partaken of by the Church. 
An understanding of this mode, which is entirely different from 
that of theatrical or imaginative representation or from any 
physically realistic repetition, is the very clue to the understand- 
ing of the whole liturgy which began to be lost during the Mid- 
dle Ages. And it is this clue which the Baroque period had lost 
so completely that it kept in view only a shell of the liturgy — a 
shell which was so much the more externally adorned and built 
over as the reality inside tended to be forgotten. 41 

Bouyer, Liturgical Piety, p.l£ 

Between the Wars 27 

We may sum up this long quotation in the words of Wolf- 
gang Waldstein: "Dom Casel has delivered us from the blind al- 
leys of the post-Tridentine theories of sacrifice." 2 To put it plain- 
ly, Dom Casel has liberated us from Session XXII of the Council 
of Trent on the Sacrifice of the Mass. This admitted precursor of 
the Institutio Generalis of the New Order of Mass is also gravely at 
fault for archaeologism: rejecting the Baroque period as well as 
the medieval period, he voices a passionate affection for the Pa- 
tristic age in which alone the liturgy had a sense of "mystery." 
Translated into art, this "Caselian" archaeologism produced a par- 
ticular style. After the American bombardment of Monte Cassi- 
no, the artistic embodiments of Maria Laach are no more, but its 
terrible doctrinal deviations have corrupted the German liturgical 

Another famous name in this German "interbellum" is that 
of Romano Guardini. This Italian, transplanted as a child to 
Mainz, was one of the most brilliant academics of his time. Or- 
dained priest in 191 1, he taught from 1922 in the chair of Cath- 
olic philosophy at Berlin University. This secular priest was to 
play a great part in the German "effort," not as a rubricist or a 
liturgical historian, but as a poet considered by literary critics as 
"the master of psychological intuition." Guardini would work to 
"bring a modern intellect and feeling — so well does he know all 
its tremors, its flights and its failings — to the understanding and 
love of the liturgy." 43 The author's style is wonderfully fine and 
the success of his book The Spirit of the Liturgy was impressive: 
26,000 copies sold between 1918 and 1922. So far, so good, 
but — we should say without hesitation — Guardini's work has a 
taint of modernism. This purely intuitive procedure is redolent of 
immanentism: "We do not possess, we seek. . ." so he often wrote; 
"we cannot here state anything definite, anything absolutely as- 
sured and possessed, but only attempts, sometimes mere gropings 
and presentiments." 5 

Hirtensorge und Liturgiereform (Liechtenstein, 1977). 

Robert d'Harcourt's preface to the French translation of Guardini's Vom 

Geist der Liturgie, Uesprit de la liturgie, Collection Le roseau d'or (Plon, 


Vom Geist der Liturgie, Ecclesia Oram, vol.1 (Herder, 1918). 

Preface to Aufdem Weg and to Liturgische Bildung. 

28 The Liturgical Movement 

Count Robert cTHarcourt wrote justly: 

He (Guardini) collaborates more than he instructs. There is nev- 
er anything peremptory, incisive, or professorial in his tone. Nor 
is there anything fixed or final There is a fear of anything sys- 
tematic, stabilized, or hardened. Everywhere there is the evident 
anxiety to leave thought with its flexibility, with the hesitations 
essential to his method of work, the horror of the massive.... 46 

Such was Romano Guardini, bard and prophet of a "liturgical 
mentality." We shall soon judge from the facts, the tree by its 

But before we look at the concrete results of the German li- 
turgical "effort," let us turn to another of its star performers, Dom 
Pius Parsch. This Augustinian Canon of Klosterneuburg (Austria) 
will show himself from the start with a definitely reformist out- 
look; what is more, he will set on foot in the German-speaking 
countries a vast "Biblical Movement" which will be a profound 
influence on the Liturgical Movement. 

But let us now listen to Dom Parsch himself innocently re- 
counting his liturgical experiments: "About this time," he wrote, 

I heard of a Missa Recitata being celebrated among student 
groups. I resolved to celebrate, with members of my circle, the 
first community Mass. It was on Ascension Day, 1922. On the 
day before this, I had gathered my group at the chapel of St. Ger- 
trude, which was to become the cradle of the popular liturgical 
movement, and I then explained the ceremonies and text of the 
sung Mass (we called it that time the Liturgical Mass). That mo- 
ment saw the complete separation of spirits: many Catholics, 
those of the subjective spirit, separated themselves from our cir- 
cle. This sung Mass was still quite primitive: the Kyrie, Sanctus 
and Agnus Dei were sung in German; Professor Goller had com- 
posed for us some fairly simple choral melodies. The responses, 
Gloria, and Credo were recited in choir by all present. The read- 
ings and prayers were said by the president. We made an offer- 
ing, and even the kiss of peace was indicated by a hand-shaking. 
It was no doubt the first celebration of Mass in the spirit of pop- 
ular liturgy in the German-speaking countries. 

Such a story needs no comment. Dom Parsch continues: 

Harcourt, Preface, p. 32. 

Between the Wars 29 

Until then my activity was confined to the small circle of the 
biblical and liturgical community of Klosterneuburg. But St. 
Gertrude's convent is situated at the gates of Vienna, and so I 
strove to transplant my ideas into the capital city. There the 

ground was already prepared for the Bible and the liturgy A 

Catholic revival was already commencing in Vienna. And my li- 
turgical ideas found an echo there. This gave me the first ideas 
of a real missionary work for the liturgy. 

r 47 

In the review Bib el und Liturgie Dom Parsch threw out 
among the faithful the most dangerous ideas on the relations be- 
tween the word of God and the liturgy. Fr. Bouyer wrote: 

This widening of the scope of the liturgical movement is a 
fact of the very greatest significance in the history of its develop- 
ment, for the importance of this biblical renewal inside the litur- 
gical movement goes far beyond the sphere of practical methods, 
and involves theological implications of the greatest value. From 
what has been said in a previous chapter, we can see how close is 
the interrelation between Revelation and the liturgy, or, more 
exactly, between the Divine Word and the congregational wor- 
ship of the Church. To realize this interrelation and to grasp its 
full significance will prove to be one of the decisive factors in our 
attaining a true and renewed understanding of the nature of the 
Church itself. And such an understanding is certainly the su- 
preme aim of the whole liturgical movement. 8 

The analysis of Fr. Bouyer, himself deeply engaged in the 
French movement after World War II, is very penetrating. The 
word of God, considered as the direct revelation of God in the 
midst of the assembly, is going to overthrow completely the con- 
ception of the Mass. The Mass of the Faithful will give way to the 
Mass of Catechumens. God will be present by His word much 
more than by His Eucharist. The faithful "assisting at Mass" will 
be transformed into an "Assembly of the People of God," a gath- 
ering of believers in whose midst breathes the Spirit. We are not 
far from contemporary Pentecostalism. Such is the new concept 
of the liturgy, the new concept of the Church, insinuated into 
people's minds by the "Biblico-Liturgical Movement" of Dom 
Parsch. And we are only in the years 1925-1930! 

Dom Pius Parsch, Le renouveau liturgique (Casterman, 1950), p. 12. 
Bouyer, Liturgical Piety, p. 66. 

30 The Liturgical Movement 

All these heterodox or rather frankly heretical theories did not 
long remain in the sphere of pure ideas, but became the soul of a 
veritable liturgical revolution in the young Germany of the Nazis. 
At first it was an unfurling of dialogue Masses of a more or less 
fantastic pattern; then came the "German High Mass," a sort of 
Missa Cantata in which the celebrant sings his part in Latin, but 
instead of the Latin Proper and Ordinary the choir and the con- 
gregation sing German hymns. The youth movements took up 
the cudgels for the Liturgical Movement, and this ended in a mul- 
tiplication of "experiments": altar facing the people, use of the 
vernacular, and so on. 

The political context hastened the course of events. Johann 
Wagner wrote: 

Since 1936, the Church in Germany was progressively de- 
prived, by the State and Party authorities, of its external field of 
action. The Church's activities, which are normally exercised on 
the borders of the properly spiritual domain, on the social plane, 
the region of sports, etc., were now limited to one domain alone: 
the celebration of worship. Everybody threw themselves into 
this task with ardor, good will, and sometimes perhaps with a 
degree of infatuation. Abuses and exaggerations were not want- 
ing. 4 " 

Liturgical abuses so frightening that they caused Dom Baumstark 
to say of Maria Laach: "I would not like to be alive on the day 
when the liturgical movement reaches its goal." 50 

At this period the rest of Europe was not yet under the influ- 
ence of the German Liturgical Movement, and the "renewal of 
liturgical fervor" was taking place there without mishap. But in 
Germany things were going so far that a violent and salutary reac- 
tion broke out — a precursory sign, as we shall see, of the encycli- 
cal Mediator Dei. 

To conclude this chapter: the period between the wars saw 
the growth of the most serious theological deviations of the Litur- 
gical Movement. Dom Beauduin is dragging it on to the paths of 
a false ecumenism, Maria Laach is misleading it into archaeolo- 

44 Johann Wagner, "Le mouvement liturgique en Allemagne," La 

Maison-Dieu, no.25 (Cerf, 1951). 
50 Quoted by Jungmann in Tradition liturgique et problemes actuels de pastorale 

(Editions Xavier Mappus, 1962). 

Between the Wars 3 1 

gism, Dom Parsch is making common cause with a judaizing bib- 
licalism. On the eve of the Second World War, the forces of Mod- 
ernism hold the movement in their hands. As for Rome, which 
under St. Pius X had so effectively broken the onslaught of theo- 
logical Modernism, did she not relax her vigilance too much in 
those years 1930-35, and particularly in the domain, then too lit- 
tle considered, of the liturgy? 

Chapter 3 
World War II (1939-45) 

The period between the world wars saw the development of 
serious theological deviation in the heart of the Liturgical Move- 
ment. Dom Beauduin led the movement along the paths of a false 
ecumenism, Dom Casel lost it in archeologism, and Dom Parsch 
linked his cause with a misguided "biblical" movement. We will 
find these characters working harder than ever at their work of 
"renewal" of the Church, which brought about its ruin, under the 
shadow of the war. 

The trial of exile had led Dom Lambert Beauduin as far as 
Bourges. It was there, under the protection of Msgr. Filion, that 
he devoted himself to the ministry of "retreats," but a very 
particular kind of retreat, the forerunner of the refresher courses 
that we know so well. But let Fr. Louis Bouyer describe to us the 
atmosphere of these retreats: "I was soon to see him again," he 
writes of Dom Beauduin. 

This time he began by calling me "pastor," like a novel by Andre 
Gide; five minutes later he called me "Louis," and then he called 
me "tu" in the way they do in Liege. This second meeting was 
entirely his idea. He had invited me to join him in one of those 
impossible places that he had such a unique gift for discovering. 
It was a sort of rehabilitation house for clergy who had suc- 
cumbed to drink or sensuality. He knew there (he had friends 
everywhere) one of the good fathers of this curious estab- 
lishment. Sure that no-one could locate him there, he gave little 
retreats — in his own fashion — to priests of irreproachable 
character, save that they were, as he put it "in agreement with 
our ideas," ideas that were not then as well looked upon by Holy 
Church as they are now, since they have been firmly seated upon 
the See of Peter. 51 

Fr. Bouyer concludes his paragraph: "I came unexpectedly 
upon one of these intimate little orgies of liturgical ecumenism." 
Thus, during the war, Dom Beauduin already had a good number 

Fr. Louis Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, homme d'Eglise (Casterman, 
1964). N.B.: The author is referring here to Pope John XXIII. 

34 The Liturgical Movement 

of disciples "in agreement with his ideas." "His rather naughty re- 
treats," as he called them himself, reached quite an audience of 
priests grouping themselves sometimes around Msgr. Filion, 
sometimes around Msgr. Harscouet, Bishop of Chartres, who 
usually chose his friends more carefully. Who were these priests? A 
large number came from Paris, grouped around Msgr. G. Chev- 
rot.^ 2 Others came from the scouting milieu of Fr. Doncoeur, and 
others, perhaps the most dangerous, wore the white habit of the 

There was already, therefore, in Paris quite a number of 
avant-garde clergy much occupied with Catholic Action who 
were strongly taken by Dom Beauduin's thoughts on liturgical ec- 
umenism. This clergy grouped about Msgr. Chevrot, the influen- 
tial cure of St. Francis Xavier, was also very involved with the Re- 
sistance and got to know numerous Communist party militants 
who had suddenly become patriots. The influence that the 
"Maquis" (French Resistance movement) had over a generation of 
young clergy was considerable, and in many cases it was far from 
beneficial. This whole evolution towards socialism took place 
during the episcopates of Cardinals Verdier and Suhard, whose 
dominant qualities were certainly neither vigilance nor lucidity. 

The Society of Jesus did not fall behind the diocesan clergy. 
Already for several years, Fr. Doncoeur had been the animating 
spirit of a vast movement of Catholic scouts. Our reader will re- 
member that in Germany the Liturgical Movement had been 
spread by youth movements. Fr. Doncoeur made many trips 
across the Rhine during the period between the wars. As early as 
1 923 "he learned at Rothenfels that the cause of the liturgical 
movement was henceforward linked to that of a youth move- 
ment.'" 53 From then on, for the scout-chaplain, the liturgy be- 
came a means of teaching and an incomparable method for edu- 
cating the young; the cultural and theocentric aspects would 
become more and more blurred. But let us let Mademoiselle Baud 

Msgr. Chevrot, parish priest of St. Francis Xavier in Paris, a very famous 

preacher of the time (Notre Dame); he assuredly deserves the title of 


Fr. Duploye, Les origines du CPL, 1943-49 (Salvator, 1968), p. 338. 

World War II (1939-45) 35 

Games can also be an excellent preparation for worship, 
which itself does not appear very different from a game to the 
very small. Let us not be scandalized by this. The word "game" 
is not synonymous with entertainment in a child's language and 
particularly in the scouting world. The game is an action, ab- 
sorbing only in as far as it is true. Now, official worship is emi- 
nently true. The child senses this. He finds himself at ease in this 
atmosphere of truth. He savors this solemn action which in- 
volves everything, body and soul, this collective and ordered ac- 
tion. He savors it like one of these great modern sports where 
modern youth finds its discipline and sometimes its mystique. 
But the faithful little heart knows that worship is more noble 
than sport. Worship is the Great Game, the Sacred Game, which 
is played for the Captain of Captains.... In the troops Mass is 
generally "dialogued" by the whole congregation, some even 
have an Offertory procession. The cadets that Fr. Doncoeur 
leads backpacking every summer along the highways of France 
also have the dialogue Mass. Grouped around the altar they 
make the responses to the liturgical prayers, at the Offertory they 
make an Offertory procession with the hosts which will be con- 
secrated for them. 54 

Fr. Duploye admitted later of Fr. Doncoeur: "Without the 
means of the scouts of France which provided him with a ground 
for experimentation, which he was able to use, he would not have 
been the liturgical creator that he was." 53 It is therefore not sur- 
prising that we find a number of scout chaplains at Dom Beaudu- 
ins "retreats." 

Neither are we surprised to rub shoulders there with some 
Dominicans who have perjured their anti-modernist oath. There 
they mix well with the Jesuits. A great fraternity unites them, 
since they have grouped around the new Prophet, Jacques Mar- 
itain, against those that the great Dom Besse — a true apostle of 
liturgical renewal — would call "the Catholics of the right." 56 Fa- 
thers Congar and Chenu, O.P., revealed the advanced state of pu- 
trefaction of the Dominican Order and in particular of Saulchoir 

Fr. Aigrain, ed., Liturgia (Bloud et Gay, 1930), pp. 1000-1. 
Duploye, Les origines dn CPL, p. 338. 

Collaborating on "Pourquoi Rome a parle " (Spes, 1927) were the Jesuits 
Doncoeur and Lallement, the Dominicans Bernadot and Lajeunie, not 
forgetting Fr. Maquart and the inevitable Jacques Maritain. 

36 The Liturgical Movement 

in the years 1 930-40. 57 Let us quote Paul Raynal, who sums up 
the evolution of the Order very well: 

After the crisis of 1928, the traditional elements at the heart 
of the Order were reduced to silence, and a man of great talent, 
Fr. Chenu, was able freely to lay hold of the minds of the young 
brothers and infect them with his progressive virus. In this way, 
around the year 1935, a whole human field was ready for recruit- 
ing the teams necessary for the work of diversion. The most im- 
portant of these works which served as a root for the others was 
the creation of the Cerf publishing house at Juvisy by Fr. Berna- 
dot. There, the progressive weekly Sept was born, and its succes- 
sor Temps present. 58 

Cerf publishing house was founded in 1932; their mouth- 
piece was La vie intellectuelle. Sept dated from 1934; its clearly 
Marxist tendency led to its disappearance in August 1937, but it 
"rose from the ashes" under the name of Temps present. All these 
intellectual revolutions were not without repercussions in the do- 
main of the liturgy: before the war Fr. Maydieu, O.P., celebrated a 
new-style Mass at Notre Dame for the Friends of Sept. For this 
Mass the priest faced the people and it was conducted in French. 
Fr. Duploye followed all this with a passionate lucidity. 

Thus, the French modernist forces took charge of the Litur- 
gical Movement. There is nothing surprising in that all this "intel- 
ligentsia" was to be found in association with Dom Beauduin. 
The war would be the catalyst which would make the Liturgical- 
Pastorate Center [Centre de Pastorale Liturgique: CPL) emerge 
from this cultural melting pot. 

Let us quickly retrace the stages of the foundation of the 
CPL. In 1941, Fr. Maydieu published a Liturgical Album in con- 
junction with Temps present and the J.A.C. (Jeunesse Agricole Chre- 
tienne, Young Christian Farmers). In June 1941, Fr. Boisselot, di- 
rector of the Cerf publishing house, launched Fetes et saisons 
(feasts and seasons). In 1942, the publishing house Editions de 
l'Abeille at Lyons, located in the free zone, launched La Clar- 

Fr. Yves Congar, Une vie pour la verite, interview with J. Puyo (Centurion, 
1975). Fr. M.-D. Chenu, Un theologien en liberte, interview with J. 
Duquesne (Centurion, 1975). Fr. Barbara made an excellent review of these 
in "Deux modernistes temoins de leur temps," in Forts dans lafoi, no. 53. 
Paul Raynal, Liturgie et qualite dans la defense de la Tradition catholique, p. 23 

World War II (1939-45) 37 

te-Dieu (Light of God) which would be the first mouthpiece of 
the CPL in its embryonic state. Still in the free zone, Fr. Duploye, 
the driving force behind all this activity, united with Fr. Roguet, 
whose pre-war years had been devoted to religious broadcasting. 
Fr. Roguet was then translating the works of Dom Vonier, and 
published them at the same Editions de l'Abeille. These works 
considerably influenced liturgical archaeology. It was then that 
the term "People of God" appeared, a Jewish concept and not 
Christian, which so pleased all these neo-liturgists. The reader 
will remember Dom Parsch and his "Word of God" (Parole de 
Dieu). It is from the union of the "people of God" and the "Word 
of God" that the neo-Judaizing liturgy of recent years has 
emerged. 39 

During this time Dom Beauduin increased the number of his 
"priests' retreats": at La Pierre-qui-vire (1936), at Clamart (1937), 
at Paray-le-Monial (1938). He was frequently to be found at 
Thieulin in the diocese of his friend the Bishop of Chartres. 

A new priests' retreat given by him at Clamart in 1942 pro- 
duced such an impression on its participants that, so as to pro- 
long its effects, Msgr. Chevrot organized periodical reunions in 
the course of which there were discussions on the spirit of the 
liturgy and the liturgical pastorate. This group of priests consti- 
tuted one of the nuclei of the Center at its foundation, besides 
others who, coming from other horizons, had perhaps different 
conceptions of the liturgy. At the least, by bringing to the Do- 
minican project of a Center of Liturgical Pastorate his smiling 
and enthusiastic patronage, Dom Beauduin also forthwith pro- 
vided it with adherents who were already convinced and experi- 
enced. 60 

The meeting for the foundation of the Center of Liturgical 
Pastorate was held at the Cerf publishing house. Dom Beauduin, 
the aged prophet, now seventy, presided over the reunion. This 
day was his triumph. There he saw the consecration of the ideas 
for which he had fought for nearly thirty years. The primacy of 
the pastorate over divine worship was now official. 

59 Dom Vonier, Le Peuple de Dieu, trans. Fr. Roguet (Lyons: Ed. de l'Abeille, 

60 A. G. Martimort, "Dom Lambert Beauduin et le CPL, " Questions liturgiques 
et paroissiales, 1959. 

38 The Liturgical Movement 

Could one not say, taking up St. Pius X's expression, that the 
CPL was the "cesspool of all (anti-liturgical) heresies"? In any 
case, it is certain that all the deviations of the liturgical movement 
were united in its heart: the inversion of the ratio of worship to 
pastorate, archaeologism, contempt for "rubricism," the primacy 
of the Word of God, an activist conception of participation, col- 
lectivism in liturgical assemblies, etc. 

Let us remember the names of the principal collaborators of 
the CPL at this time: the Reverend Fathers Duploye, Roguet, 
Chenu, Chery, and Maydieu, all from the Order of Preachers; 
Dom Beauduin, O.S.B., of course; the Jesuits Doncoeur and 
Danielou; not forgetting Fr. Louis Bouyer of the (French) Orato- 
ry, and Fr. A. G. Martimort of Toulouse. The most conservative 
elements at these assemblies were the Very Reverend Fr. Dom 
Bernard Capelle and Dom Botte, both from Maredsous. 61 The 
Benedictine monastery of Vanves, near Paris, became the habitual 
venue for the meetings of the association. In October 1945, the 
series Lex Orandiwas created, under which heading the Cerf pub- 
lishing house was to publish a number of liturgical works to 
which we shall refer again later. Earlier, in January 1945, the first 
issue of La Maison-Dieu (The House of God) had appeared, the 
official mouth-piece of the CPL. Dom Beauduin wrote the edito- 
rial: we will study it in our next chapter. Let us content ourselves 
now by giving its title, which is moreover a whole syllabus: "Prac- 
tical Norms for Liturgical Reforms." 62 

We conclude with a report from Fr. Chenu, O.P., addressed 
to the CPL in March 1945: "It is true that I like what you are 
doing, as you say; Fr. Congar and I recognize and will recognize in 
the future the beautiful fruit which will ripen on the seedlings 
which have sprouted so vigorously in 1935." 63 

Dom Botte was then energetically upholding the essential difference 
between the common and ministerial priesthood: these notions were hotly 
contested by other members of the CPL from its beginnings Cf. Le 
mouvement liturgique by Dom Botte, p. 64. "In 1943," writes Dom Botte, "I 
was invited to an editorial meeting of La Maison-Dieu. It was suggested that 
there should be an issue on the priesthood of the faithful. When I was asked 
for my opinion, I gave it quite simply. I had the impression that I was a 
heretic, uttering blasphemies in the midst of the orthodox priests." 
La Maison-Dieu, no.l (January 1945). 
Les origines du CPL, p.288. 

World War II (1939-45) 39 

What were the ecclesiastical authorities doing at this period? 
If the bishops did not bless it, they knew nothing about it. The 
terrible war of 1939-45 was pre-occupying the Holy See too 
much for it to be able to act. Besides, was it informed? In any case, 
the silence of the French episcopate makes us all the better appre- 
ciate the courageous stand taken by Msgr. Grober in Germany. 

In Germany, conflict broke out between the conservatives 
and the movement. As we have already said, the German clergy, 
confined to the churches and the sacristies by the Nazis, indulged 
in a premature and real "liturgical revolution." A wave of protest 
arose in all Catholic circles. The controversy, at first verbal, was 
repeated in two works: Irrwege und Umwege der Frommigkeit (er- 
rors and deviations of piety) by Max Kassipe, and Sentire cum Ec- 
clesia (to feel with the Church) by Doerner. These books, which 
were openly hostile to the German Liturgical Movement, pushed 
the leaders of the movement to put their affairs in order. Rome 
would not tolerate disorder, sanctions were imminent. Something 
had to be done quickly to avoid condemnation from Rome. A 
private assembly, held at Fulda in August 1939, appointed as lead- 
er of the movement Bishop Landesdorfer, O.S.B., of Passau. His 
assistants were Fr. Jungmann and Romano Guardini. 

The directing committee did not waste its time. The first ne- 
cessity was to gain control of the German episcopate. Their moves 
were skilful: "The controversy was going from bad to worse. The 
German episcopate resolved at the Bishops' Assembly at Fulda in 
August 1940 to take liturgical affairs in hand themselves. In 
charge of liturgical questions, the assembly appointed, at the in- 
stigation of Msgr. Landesdorfer, Msgr. Stohr from Mayence [the 
intimate friend of Guardini], an episcopal protector of youth 
[again one sees youth and liturgy side by side]. The assembly also 
appointed Msgr. Landesdorfer of Passau himself." 64 Of course, 
this "liturgical group" surrounded itself with "expert" specialists 
and "periti" who were none other than the leading lights of the 
German movement. Therefore, in one year, the trick had been 

La Maison-Dieu, no. 25 (1951); Wagner, Le mouvement liturgique en 

40 The Liturgical Movement 

played, "the Trojan horse had entered the city": the German Epis- 
copal Assembly was in the hands of the "Renewal." 

This was without taking into account the courage and the en- 
ergy of a great bishop, Msgr. Grober, Archbishop of Freibourg- 
im-Breisgau. In fact, in the middle of January 1943, this prelate 
addressed to his colleagues in Germany (in the "Greater Germa- 
ny" that followed the Anschluss) a long letter written in a grave 
tone, that set out in seventeen points the principal causes of anxi- 
ety which he had about the youth movements. Certain of these 
grievances bore upon general theology or ecclesiology. We will 
only include here the passages of his letter which pertain to the 
liturgy. 65 

Point 1: The notorious spiritual schism among the clergy of 
Greater Germany, some being partisans of the movement and 
others being opposed to it. 

Point 5: "What disturbs me is the radical and unjustified cri- 
tique of all that has been accepted until now and all that has ap- 
peared in the course of history, and at the same time the practical, 
audacious, and brutal return to the practices and the norms of 
ancient periods of Church history, while openly declaring that in 
the meantime there has been an evolution which is necessarily a 

Msgr. Grober is here most certainly alluding to the archaeol- 
ogism of Maria Laach. Let us note in passing that Pius XII took 
up this point in particular in Mediator Dei. 

Point 11: Grave errors concerning the Mystical Body of 
Christ. Here we note again that Pius XII echoed the Archbishop 
of Freibourg in his encyclical Mystici Corporis of June 29, 1943. 

Point 13: There is excessive emphasis on the common priest- 
hood to the detriment of the ministerial priesthood. (This was go- 
ing on, even then. Msgr. Grober indeed saw clearly.) 

Cf. Froger, "L'encyclique Mediator Dei sur la liturgie," pp. 56-75. 

World War II (1939-45) 41 

Point 14: Particular insistence on the idea of "sacrifice-meal" 
and "meal-sacrifice." Thus, in the middle of the war, the Lutheran 
theology of the Institutio Generalis of the Novus Ordo Missae was 
already to be found in a diffuse state in the German Liturgical 

Point 15: The excessive insistence on the liturgy. It is claimed 
that only the liturgy can provide a true pastorate and earlier forms 
of apostolate are ridiculed. At the same time the rubrics are treat- 
ed in a most cavalier fashion and all kinds of eccentricities are per- 

Point 16: Efforts to make the dialogue Mass obligatory. 

Our reader will remember that the dialogue Mass had been 
from the start one of the pet subjects of the Liturgical Movement. 
In 1922, Pope Pius XI gave his authorization for it, provided it 
had the permission of the local Ordinary. In 1923, Dom Gaspar 
Lefebvre published an apologia for the dialogue Mass in the 
learned review La vie spirituelle. In itself the dialogue Mass is not 
a bad thing; it is one way of helping the faithful to participate in 
the sacred action. But it is only a means, and it must not be im- 
posed as a universal norm. Monsignor Grober wrote: 

I have not the slightest objection to dialogue Masses as such, so 
long as their frequency is limited.... They may be tried, but one 
must not hope for too much. Even so, I will always consider the 
dialogue Mass of marginal importance, and as something of mo- 
mentary interest that soon the laws of change and of reaction 
will moderate and will cause to go out of fashion. 

This wise bishop was most worried by the discovery "that the 
neo-liturgists saw in the dialogue Mass the expression of their 
ideas about the common priesthood. They also saw a method for 
insisting on the rights of lay people to cooperate in the Sacrifice of 
the Mass." This "activist" participation upheld by the idea of the 
general priesthood was what so worried the Archbishop of Frei- 
bourg. Here again Pius XII echoed this worry in Mediator Dei, 
condemning the new theology of the priesthood and imposing 
limits on the dialogue Mass. 66 We will analyze Mediator Dei in our 
next chapter. 

42 The Liturgical Movement 

Point 17: The strong tendency not only to translate into Ger- 
man more than one prayer during the administration of the sacra- 
ments, but also to anticipate the desires of the people by introduc- 
ing the German language into the Mass itself despite the "non 
expedite' of the Council of Trent (Session XII, c.8, can. 9). 

The Archbishop of Freibourg concluded his letter in these 
moving terms: 

I submit all these concerns to the Venerable Episcopate in 

order to acquit myself of my responsibility pro parte mea I 

could lengthen this list of things which worry me by adding 
more than one equally problematic point, points which seem to 
me contrary to Catholic doctrine. Can we remain silent, we 
bishops of greater Germany, and Rome? 

Rome acted very quickly. By a letter from Cardinal Bertram, 
Archbishop of Breslau, to the members of the Episcopal Confer- 
ence at Fulda, 6 the Holy See made known its deep concern about 
the German Liturgical Movement, its desire to receive informa- 
tion on this subject, an appeal for vigilance by the Ordinaries, the 
forbidding of any discussion on the subject, and finally its readi- 
ness to examine with kindness certain privileges which might be 
helpful for the good of souls. The Holy See was therefore caught 
up in the affair. A papal intervention was to be expected. 

In the face of this danger to the movement, the German Epis- 
copate energetically supported the neo-liturgists. On February 
24, Cardinal Innitzer replied to Msgr. Grober that the situation in 
Germany and Austria was not as worrisome as he implied; the ex- 
istence of diverging doctrinal currents was nothing extraordinary. 
He agreed to allow the theologians to freely continue their re- 
search: an intervention of the Magisterium would run the risk of 
discouraging the enthusiasm of the liturgists. 68 

However, this intervention which was so feared did take 
place. It was made on two separate occasions, by the encyclicals 
Mystici Corporis and Mediator Dei. Pius XII's vigorous "applying 

Mediator Dei, November 26, 1 947. 

Letter dated Jan. 15, 1943, quoted by Dom Froger, "L'encyclique Mediator 

Dei. n 

La Maison Dieu, no.7, pp. 108-1 14. 

World War II (1939-45) 43 

the brakes" would certainly have saved the situation, if at the same 
time the Secretariat of State had not encouraged the German 
movement by the concession of special privileges. Indeed, in April 
1943, Cardinal Bertram sent a memorandum to the Holy Father 
in the name of all the other bishops. The memorandum was a 
universal and ardent defense of the Liturgical Movement. It judg- 
es that an entirely Latin liturgy is little fitted to encourage the par- 
ticipation of the faithful. It defends the "People's Mass," the 
"Sung People's Mass," and the High Mass in German. The Cardi- 
nal profits from the occasion to propose some reforms: prolong- 
ing beyond war time the mitigation of the Eucharistic fast, a new 
Latin translation of the Psalter, the enrichment of the Ritual by 
inserting passages of sacred Scripture, the transferring of the 
Maundy Thursday and the Good Friday ceremonies to the 



Cardinal Maglione, Secretary of State, 70 replied on December 
24, 1943. In his reply, writes Ferdinand Kolbe, critical observa- 
tions are not lacking, it is true, but the decision on the manner of 
celebrating the People's Mass and the Sung People's Mass is left to 
the discretion of the bishops, and the High Mass in German is 
expressly permitted. The letter ensured the later development of 
the celebration of the Mass in line with the Liturgical Movement 
under the bishops' protection. 71 The harm was done, and there 
would no longer be any way to stem the tide. In vain would Pius 
XII make all the necessary doctrinal clarifications; the revolution 
would continue to gain ground. Did the Secretariat of State know 
that the bishops of the German Liturgical Commission, to whom 
it gave the responsibility for the form of the celebration of Mass, 
were amongst the most advanced members of the movement? 
Was Pius XII aware of Cardinal Maglione's actions? There are so 
many questions which are unanswerable. But what is certain is 
that here we see the first victories of the deviated Liturgical Move- 
ment over the Roman authorities. As we write this (in 1980), we 
now know just where this long series of retreats by Rome has led, 

Liturgisches Jahrbuch, 1953, pp.l08ff., article by J.Wagner. 

Cardinal Maglione died in 1944 and was replaced by two pro-secretaries: 

Msgr. Tardini for Extraordinary Affairs, and Msgr. Montini for Ordinary 


Ferdinand Kolbe, "Allemagne," La Maison-Dieu, no. 74 (1963). 

44 The Liturgical Movement 

and how much they darkened the history of the Church in the 
second half of the twentieth century. 

Thus, at the end of World War II, the Liturgical Movement 
had considerably strengthened its position. It had brought about 
a powerful vehicle of liturgical subversion: the Center of Liturgi- 
cal Pastorate. And above all, it had perfected its tactics for war: 
win over the bishops to its cause and thus to act legally, and have 
its requests presented to the Holy See by the bishops, on the pre- 
text of pastoral advantages. All that remained to be done was for 
Dom Beauduin to set all this out in the editorial of the first issue 
of La Maison-Dieu, in January 1945: "Practical Norms for 
Liturgical Reforms." 

Chapter 4 
The Post-war Period (1945-50) 

The disturbed years of the Second World War had allowed 
the leaders of the movement to determine their strategy. The 
Center for Liturgical Pastorate came into being. The French and 
German episcopates were circumvented. Rome was hesitant... 
The post-war years were to be decisive for the future of the Litur- 
gical Movement. 

Dom Rousseau Takes His Bearings 

In 1945, a Benedictine of Chevetogne, 72 Dom Olivier Rous- 
seau, published in the Cerf collection a History of the Liturgical 
Movement. This monk, a brilliant disciple of Dom Lambert Beau- 
duin, makes in this book a keen analysis of the historical origins of 
the movement. It is the conclusion of his work, however, which 
will fix our attention. Dom Rousseau utters here a cry of alarm. 

The Church is a living thing, the past lives on in her and the 
moderns sometimes forget it, but the present lives in her, too. 
We may say more: the past does not live in her without the 
present, nor the present without the past. But we may certainly 
say that if it is a misconception of the Church to "make her com- 
mence" at some later period of her history, to make her cease at 
any moment is to misconceive her just as much. That such a ten- 
dency, in the case of Dom Gueranger, has sometimes been ex- 
cessive, need not surprise us unduly in a man of his power. His 
ultramontanism, his conservatism, even his dogmaticism and his 
taste for battle are only the defects of his qualities. He needed to 
have this stamp of character in order to give his movement an 
inflexible bone-structure. It is on this structure that his disciples 
came to rely, especially those who, sharing his allegiance to a mo- 
nastic Order, propagated his teaching and his ideas. They did 
this with entire confidence and an absolute persuasion that they 

Chevetogne, the ecumenical monastery of Dom Beauduin, first situated at 
Am ay. 

46 The Liturgical Movement 

were passing on to others nothing but the purest spirit of the 

And Dom Olivier Rousseau goes on to conclude, in the last 
words of his book: 

This gives us to understand how important it is for the future 
that the liturgical movement begun by him, while closely follow- 
ing the evolution of ideas and participating in it as much as pos- 
sible, should remain faithful to this primordial Catholic sense 
without which it is sooner or later faced with failure. 73 

The reader will pardon us this over-long quotation — we 
could not omit anything so remarkable. Dom Rousseau has seen 
the truth, and we can only regret that he has not seen it more 
forcefully. The Liturgical Movement is losing, if it has not already 
lost, the Catholic sense of the Church. For a Catholic, the Church 
is the sole Ark of Salvation; a divine society, she remains living 
throughout the centuries, always pure, stainless and unwrinkled, 
whose dogma 7 and whose liturgy are subject to a "homogeneous 
development." This fundamental truth has found an intrepid de- 
fender in Dom Gueranger, with his Institutions liturgiques. It is in 
the name of this principle that he fought against the various man- 
ifestations of the "anti-liturgical heresy." For Dom Gueranger, as 
for every Catholic, the liturgy is the child of the Church, assisted 
by the Holy Ghost all along her way on earth. In virtue of this, the 
Tridentine and post-Tridentine liturgy is just as venerable as that 
of the Middle Ages or of the Patristic period. 

Of all this the leaders of the Liturgical Movement have no 
longer any understanding. For them, the liturgy of the "Baroque 
epoch," or of the Middle Ages, are dead liturgies. The "Spirit" no 
longer breathes in them as in the time of the Apostles and the 
early Fathers. It is a question of returning at all costs to this prim- 
itive liturgy which alone can be the soul of a real renewal, a real 
"uplifting" of the Church. 75 

Dom O. Rousseau, Histoire du moiwement liturgigue (Cerf, 1945), 

Cf. Marin Sola, O.P., L evolution homogene du dogma catholique, 2 vols. 
(Fribourg, Switzerland: Ed. S. Paul, 1924). 
s Cf. Card. Suhard's pastoral letter Essor ou declin de I'Eglise (1947). 

The Post-war Period ( 1 945-50) 47 

Dom Beauduin Preaches Liturgical Reform 

Dom Rousseau had scarcely put down his pen when Dom 
Lambert Beauduin, using all his authority as the "old prophet," 
stifled his too vigilant disciple's cry of alarm. In fact, in January 
1945 Dom Beauduin was writing the editorial of the first issue of 
La Maison-Dieu, the official organ of the CPL. Its title is a whole 
program: "Practical Norms for Liturgical Reforms." 76 We shall 
now analyze in detail this article, which certainly forms the char- 
ter of the deviated Liturgical Movement. We shall see at what 
point Dom Beauduin lost that "primordial Catholic sense" which 
Dom Rousseau had just been recalling. This editorial actually 
contains a method of subversion to be adopted in the Church: we 
do not understand — or rather we understand only too well — how 
such a piece of writing could be printed "cum permissu superi- 

First of all, Dom Beauduin sets out the purpose of the CPL. 
He does it in an artful way, by quoting the famous saying of St. 
Pius X: "We wish to give the liturgy its full value, and to bring 
together, not a mere elite, but the faithful, all the faithful, all the 
people of God, to this authentic source of Christian life." 77 Next, 
our author makes a twofold observation: on the one side, the 
present-day impoverishment of the liturgy (using even the blas- 
phemous expression "mummified liturgy"), and on the other, the 
evangelical dynamism of antiquity. In 1909, Dom Beauduin 
would have concluded from this that we should seek to explain 
the rites, to make them live, but not without respect for them. In 
1945, the same monk deduced the absolute necessity of a reform. 
"Must we not free ourselves," he wrote, "from the niggardly disci- 
pline of present liturgical rules and give back to the sacramental 
signs and Christian institutions all their power and efficacity?" 

But Dom Beauduin was aware that the Church (at that time!) 
did not tolerate anarchy and precocious experiments: he had him- 
self been in trouble with the Roman authorities on the occasion of 
his ecumenical adventures, and above all things he did not want a 
repetition in France of the serious troubles experienced in Ger- 
many. For that reason he rightly insisted on the following points: 

La Maison-Dieu, no.l (Jan. 1945), pp.9-22. 
Tra le Sollecitudini, Nov. 22, 1903. 

48 The Liturgical Movement 

1) the liturgy belongs to the Church; 2) the Holy See, since the 
Council of Trent, reserves to itself the right of legislation in the 
field of liturgy; 3) liturgical law, by an exceptional provision, is 
exempted from the play of legitimate custom, which otherwise 
can have the effect of abrogating a law and rendering licit some- 
thing formally illicit. 

The Liturgical Movement, therefore, would not be able to at- 
tack the Church's liturgy directly; it would be enabled to destroy 
it only by means of a well studied method of subversion. But let 
our monk speak for himself, as a past master in the art of ecclesi- 
astical revolution. He wrote: 

If the Holy See is rightfully intent on maintaining liturgical 
observances whole and entire, and very severe on any enterprise 
or initiative contrary to its laws, it shows itself on the other hand 
very comprehensive and very favorable towards any efforts made 
within the letter of the existing laws, and encourages un- 
reservedly those historical studies which investigate the origin 
and evolution of our rites. The Holy See therefore wishes that its 
discipline should be studied by all historical methods. So the 
CPL can do much to realize this item of its program. Its dis- 
cipline, its theology, its understanding of sacred Scripture bene- 
fit much from all the results of scientific progress. The same will 
be true in the field of liturgical reform on three conditions to be 
fulfilled by our movement. 

As a synthetic summary, we shall now quote this text, 
unparalleled in its cynicism: 

It will be necessary to proceed hierarchically: not to take any ini- 
tiative in practice other than what is at present legitimate, but to 
prepare for the future by fostering a desire and love for all the 
riches contained in the ancient liturgy; to condition people's 
minds, for Rome's overmastering fear is scandal among the 
faithful. We must proceed methodically, by circulating popular 
but serious works {e.g., on the offices of Holy Week, the Easter 
Vigil, concelebration). We must also stress the moral and prac- 
tical aspects, such as frequent Communion, the Eucharistic fast, 
the times of Mass: the Church is not afraid to modify her disci- 
pline for the good of her children. 

The reader will now understand why the neo-liturgists threw 
themselves with such zeal into the history of the liturgy — a histo- 
ry, moreover, conceived in a highly rationalistic manner, regard- 

The Post-war Period ( 1 945-50) 49 

less of the sacred character of the liturgy. The Jungmanns, the 
Bouyers, and other Roguets of this period multiplied works of 
this kind. The formation of the series Lex Orandi at the Cerf pub- 
lishing house is one example among others of the ferment of these 
literary productions. The neo-liturgists strove thereby to influ- 
ence the Historical Section of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, 
created by Pope Pius XI in 1930. This cunning use of indirect 
pressure was not slow to bear its poisonous fruit, as we shall soon 

Dom Lambert Beauduin went on to expound another kind 
of indirect pressure. He noted that the Roman Church is animat- 
ed by a strongly hierarchical spirit. In order to avoid a collision 
with this hierarchy he would have his desires and petitions pre- 
sented through the bishops. "We must," he writes, "be able to 
count on convinced and active sympathies." Our monk had here 
made full use of his gifts of seduction. "He had friends every- 
where," Fr. Bouyer tells us. His most influential friends at that 
period were their Lordships Roncalli, Suhard, Harscouet, Rich- 
aud, and the Rev. Fr. Dom Capelle. Dom Beauduin next put the 
final touch to his program of liturgical subversion. 

The CPL must take pains to make its efforts known and ap- 
preciated by the consultants of the Sacred Congregation, the 
members of the Liturgical Academy, etc. If it must never allow 
itself to anticipate the desires of competent authorities, it has the 
right and duty of making known to these the desiderata and the 
prudent and reasonable wishes of the most zealous pastors and 
faithful laity, in particular those of the Catholic Action. 

Let us now consider how this manifesto was put into practice 
during the years immediately following the war. 

The CPL Carries Out the 
Program of Dom Lambert Beauduin 

In July 1945, there met at Liguge the nucleus of a team under 
the protection of the Father Abbot Dom Basset: in September 
1945, the first congress was held at Saint-Flour, thanks to the sup- 
port of Bishop Pinson and that of Cardinal Gerlier. April and 
May 1946 saw the gatherings at Vanves, conducted by Fr. Mar- 
timort, on the Mass and its catechesis. 78 It was at these meetings 

50 The Liturgical Movement 

that Cardinal Suhard avowed that "from various sides we are at 
present being solicited to obtain concessions in the matter of li- 
turgical discipline." At that time it was a question of evening Mass 
and the introduction of the vernacular in the administration of 
the Sacraments. The reader will remember that in Germany, at 
the same moment, the same requests were being presented to 
Rome by Cardinal Bertram. A mere coincidence? Common pas- 
toral needs, perhaps, but was it not rather the carrying out of 
Dom Lambert's tactics: the vicarious presentation by the bishops 
to Rome of the demands for the subversion of the liturgy, under 
cover of pastoral necessity? For our part, we shall decide for the 
latter hypothesis while admitting the existence of certain pastoral 

During the year 1946 the CPL was working actively in Al- 
sace; it was here that the definite coalition was made between the 
"Liturgical Effort" of Germany and the Liturgical Movement of 
France. We may note in passing an admission of Fr. Duploye: 
"We also made contact with the representatives of the various 
Christian churches. Dom Beauduin taught us, now and always, 
not to dissociate ecumenism from the liturgy." 79 At this same 
time, the movement was finding its way into the seminaries, nota- 
bly that of the Mission de France; at Saulchoir, Fr. Roguet was 
teaching liturgy. Regional sessions were being organized, notably 
at Rodez, in which 120 priests took part. 

The CPL had set off a gigantic revolution which it could no 
longer control. Fr. Duploye admits: 

The risks are there.... We are an advanced guard in the 
French clergy. We do not speak the same language as the major- 
ity of parish priests, and if most of the bishops follow our effort 
with sympathy we must not hide from ourselves the fact that this 
sympathy, the sincerity of which I do not doubt, can very well 

H Dom Botte states this in his Mouvement liturqique, p. 102. "To take 
initiatives without the Congregation's approval," he writes "would be to 
provoke a movement of restraint. One then adopts a middle course: to 
prepare privately certain projects of reform, and have them presented to 
Rome by the episcopates of various countries. But for that purpose it would 
be necessary not to work in scattered parties, but to concentrate the efforts 
of different working groups. Hence the origin of the international 
Fr. Duploye, Les origines du CPL, p. 308. 

The Post-war Period ( 1 945-50) 5 1 

exist with an almost complete ignorance of the principles which 
guide us.... Between this vanguard and the great mass of the 
French clergy we must make use of a tactic very well exploited 
by Fr. Doncoeur, that is, to beware of creating gaps. The gaps 
we fear will be produced if we do not have recourse to an eco- 
nomical and pedagogical exposition of the truth discovered by 
us... we must know how to keep silence and to wait.... At Liguge 
or at Vanves it was only a question of one stage of our 
work.... But it would be terribly dangerous, and simply stupid, to 
throw these problems, just as we find them, at the heads of the 
French clergy. All we can do, publicly, is to offer them good 
bread, well baked. From the very beginning of our effort, we 
have been speaking of liturgical adaptation and evolution. I 
sometimes ask myself whether we are not dupes of these 
words.... We are travelling in a vehicle set in motion at full speed. 
Are we capable of steering it? I confess to you, finally, my weari- 
ness and my fears. 80 

Faced by this excessive acceleration of the movement, Dom 
Beauduin was frightened.... We witness here the first phenomena 
of "permanent excesses," a feature of all revolutions: yesterday's 
managers are overtaken by today's agitators, the first revo- 
lutionaries begin to look like reactionaries, the incendiaries begin 
to cry "Fire!" In fact, Fr. Bouyer remarks of Dom Lambert Beau- 
duin: "I can hardly, however, conceal the fact that he was not at all 
pleased with everything in the new movement. The sudden craze 
for para-liturgies,' so rapidly promoted from being a liturgy of 
beginnings to being a pretended liturgy of the future — a future all 
too ready to cast off its traditional past — did not appeal to him at 
all." 81 These internal tensions were to end, in July 1946, by the 
CPL's asserting its independence of the Cerf publications. From 
that time Fr. Martimort assumed a growing influence at the heart 
of the organization and, little by little, Fr. Duploye went into re- 
tirement. The revolution advanced and became ever more radical. 

Finally to be noted is a session held at Thieulin, near Char- 
tres. Forty religious superiors and seminary rectors were assem- 
bled there under the chairmanship of Msgr. Harscouet. The 
speakers were Fr. Perrot, Rector of the Seminary of the Mission de 
France, Fr. Regamey of L'Art Sacre, Abbe Martimort, the Rever- 

Ibid., pp.3 10-3 12. 

Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, pp. 178-179. 

52 The Liturgical Movement 

end Fathers Duploye and Congar, and of course the inevitable 
Dom Beauduin. The spirit of this reunion must have been ex- 
tremely subversive, for Fr. Duploye makes the following disclo- 

Some days before the reunion at Thieulin, I had a visit from 
an Italian Lazarist, Fr. Bugnini, who had asked me to obtain an 
invitation for him. The Father listened very attentively, without 
saying a word, for four days. During our return journey to Paris, 
as the train was passing along the Swiss Lake at Versailles, he said 
to me: "I admire what you are doing, but the greatest service I 
can render you is never to say a word in Rome about all that I 
have just heard." For the greater good of the Second Vatican 
Council, at which he was one of the most intelligent workers, Fr. 
Bugnini, happily, was not going to keep his word. 82 

This revealing text shows us one of the first appearances of 
the "gravedigger of the Mass," a revolutionary more clever than 
the others, he who killed the Catholic liturgy before disappearing 
from the official scene. So it was at this date that the "Counter- 
Church" completely pervaded the Liturgical Movement. Until 
then it had been occupied by the modernist and ecumenical forc- 
es: after the war it was rotten enough for Freemasonry to take di- 
rect control of the reins: Satan got into the Trojan Horse. 

Pope Pius XII and the Encyclical Mediator Dei 

We have already recorded the equivocations of the Secretariat 
of State before the demands of the German "Liturgical Effort." 
Pope Pius XII was betrayed and misinformed. His exceptional ge- 
nius, however, and his great qualities as Pastor caused him to take 
some energetic measures to try and check the "anti-liturgical her- 
esy." The Pope had been impressed by Msgr. Grober's pastoral let- 
ter. He was to reply to the anxiety of the Bishop of Freiburg- 
im-Breisgau by two encyclicals addressed to the universal Church: 
these were Mystici Corporis of June 29, 1943, and Mediator Dei of 
November 20, 1947. 

The encyclical Mediator Dei, one of the longest ever to have 
issued from the Pontifical Chancellery, is without doubt one of 

Duploye, Les origines du CPL, p. 308, note. 

The Post-war Period ( 1 945-50) 53 

the finest teachings of Pope Pius XII. With extraordinary discern- 
ment and ability the Pope is prepared to keep all that is good in 
the Liturgical Movement, while forcefully condemning its devia- 
tions. We shall summarize this unique document, complying en- 
tirely with his judgment, but regretting that it was not accompa- 
nied by concrete measures and precise sanctions against the 
liturgical revolutionaries. 

In the introduction to his encyclical, the Pope remarks that 
the Catholic priesthood continues the action of Christ the Re- 
deemer (§§l-2). 83 He then praises the renewal of fervor for the 
liturgy which began at the turn of the century, calling to zeal those 
who still remain asleep, but above all rebuking the progressive el- 
ements of the movement. The Pope, not without preoccupation 
and anxiety, writes: "We observe, that certain people are too fond 
of novelty and go astray from the paths of sound doctrine and 
prudence... they sully this sacred cause with errors, errors which 
affect the Catholic faith and ascetical teaching" (§8). 

The encyclical is next divided into four parts: 1) Nature of 
the Liturgy, 2) Eucharistic Worship, 3) the Divine Office, and 4) 
Pastoral Directives. The part which deals with the nature of the 
liturgy (§§1 1-69) is an admirable synthesis of doctrine, contain- 
ing the profoundest definition of the liturgy: "the entire public 
worship of the Mystical Body of Christ, that is, of the Head and 
His members." At the end of this part of the encyclical Pope Pius 
XII once more condemns rash innovations: "Nevertheless we 
must condemn the utter recklessness of those who deliberately in- 
troduce new liturgical customs or try to revive obsolete rites 
which conflict with the laws and rubrics at present in force." 
These paragraphs 65 and 66 are a veritable condemnation of "ar- 
chaeologism": "For it would be a dereliction of the right path to 
want to restore to the altar its primitive form of a table; to want to 
eliminate black from the liturgical colours, or to remove holy im- 
ages and statues from our churches...." 

The second part of the document (§§70-118), devoted to 
Eucharistic worship, is a full treatment of the Eucharist, from the 

Mediator Dei. The numbers cited in brackets are the margin numbers of the 
English translation published by the Catholic Truth Society under the title 
Christian Worship. 

54 The Liturgical Movement 

dogmatic and liturgical point of view as well as the ascetical. Pius 
XII here forcibly condemns theological errors on the nature of the 
priesthood of the faithful (§§87-88) and exaggerations of the no- 
tion of participation. He defines precisely the "mystical" partici- 
pation of the faithful in the Offertory (§§84-91) and the immola- 
tion (§§92-96). He then indicates the means of promoting this 
participation: the use of missals, and an active sharing in the 
chant and the dialogued Mass, to which he imposes precise limits 
(§§98 and 111). 

The third part of the encyclical (§§146-183) treats of the lit- 
urgy of praise, that is, the Divine Office. Pope Pius XII reaffirms 
that this liturgy constitutes the official prayer of the Church 
(§§162-183). He then analyzes the liturgical year and the nature 
of devotion to the saints. 

Then comes the fourth part of the encyclical (§§184-223), 
which contains the pastoral directives, "in order," writes the Pope, 
"to eliminate more easily the errors and exaggerations of the truth 
which we have mentioned above, and in order to permit the faith- 
ful to devote themselves more fruitfully, by following the safest 
rules, to the liturgical apostolate." The encyclical treats first of the 
relations between the liturgy and private devotions, and con- 
cludes thus: 

It would be pernicious and most deceiving to take it on oneself 
to reform these pious practices in order to reduce them ex- 
clusively to liturgical ceremonies. At the same time the spirit and 
precepts of the sacred liturgy must be brought to bear profitably 
on these practices, lest there should be introduced anything un- 
suitable or unbecoming to the dignity of God's house.... (§196) 

The Angelic Pastor goes on to treat of the artistic element in 
liturgy (§§199-206). There is an opportune reminder that 

in everything pertaining to the liturgy those three characteristics 
should be evident which our predecessor Pius X mentions: the 
sacred character which shuns all profane influences; the correct 
principles of works of art truly worthy of that name; and finally 
that universality which, while taking due account of local cus- 
toms and lawful traditions, manifests the unity and catholicity 
of the Church. (§199) 

Pope Pius XII next exhorts the faithful to acquire a solid litur- 
gical formation (§§206-21 1), particularly with regard to the jun- 

The Post-war Period (1945-50) 55 

ior clergy. Before ending his letter the Pontiff once more puts pas- 
tors on their guard against "the introduction of a false doctrine 
that distorts the very notion of the Catholic faith, or of a mania 
for restoring primitive usages in the liturgy" (§216). 

The holy Pope then gives us the conclusion of his encyclical 
(218-223). He sends a rousing appeal to "the indifferent and the 
unwilling," and addresses himself finally to the progressives: 

To those whom an untimely zeal urges on various occasions to 
say or to do what We regretfully are unable to approve, We re- 
peat the advice of St. Paul: "Put all things to the test; keep what 
is good." And We beg them paternally to have the goodness to 
correct their way of seeing and acting, according to a Christian 
doctrine which conforms to the example of the immaculate 
Bride of Jesus Christ, the Mother of the saints. 

The traditional apostolic blessing concludes the document. 

This encyclical is admirable, and we recommend all our read- 
ers to read and meditate on it. It is truly a "liturgical Summa" At 
all events it is the Church's last recommendation to her children 
before she went into that night of mystery of which we do not yet 
see the end. We have but one regret, which we mentioned earlier, 
that so beautiful a letter as this was not accompanied by concrete 
measures, in fact by sanctions. Did not that great Pope, Pius XII, 
attribute intentions too pure, intentions commensurate with his 
own sanctity, to the leaders of the Liturgical Movement? It is clear 
that he did not see these men as the "brigands" that they were. He 
thought he was dealing with intellectuals straying slightly from 
the right path, whereas it was for at least some of them a question 
of veritable ringleaders of revolution. Could it have been other- 
wise, when these leaders were adopted, supported and encouraged 
by influential prelates? 

Pope St. Pius X had not contented himself with writing Pas- 
cendi\ he had also excommunicated Tyrrell and Loisy, and ordered 
the taking of the Anti-modernist Oath. We regret that Pius XII 
did not do likewise in face of the anti-liturgical heresy. Could it, 
we may repeat, have been otherwise, since the Pope was betrayed 
and misinformed, and since numerous modernists had already 
infiltrated themselves into the key posts of the Church? 

Pius XII had spoken clearly, and it remained for the pastors of 
souls to diffuse the common Father's teaching and put it into 

56 The Liturgical Movement 

practice. But here again, treachery appears. All that was retained 
of the encyclical were its encouragements of zeal for liturgical re- 
newal, and the countless warnings of the document were passed 
over in deliberate silence. The model of those misleading com- 
mentaries was that of Dom Beauduin himself in his Maison- 
Dieu. 84 But let us hear Fr. Martimort, who wrote these lines in 

The warnings of the encyclical did not alarm Fr. Beauduin. 
With the extraordinary keenness of his vision he situated the 
document in a universal Catholic perspective. At the distance of 
twelve years, we must recognize that Fr. Lambert Beauduin was 
right: the encyclical Mediator Dei has given the world-wide im- 
petus for an unprecedented revival of the liturgy. 85 

Yes! that is the drama of it: Mediator Dei has been made to 
serve for the subversion of the liturgy. To use a pontifical docu- 
ment for a purpose contrary to the Pope's intentions is a mark of 
Satan. The Trojan Horse was well ensconced in the City of God. 
Nothing further would stop the advance of the Liturgical Move- 
ment along the wrong lines; and we can only regret the creation 
on May 18, 1948, of a "Pontifical Commission for the Reform of 
the Liturgy." Not that such a reform, within given proportions, 
would be impossible in itself, but because, in the actual context of 
the time, which the Pope could not suspect, it amounted to deliv- 
ering oneself bound hand and foot to the enemy. 

La Maison-Dieu, no.13 (1948), pp.7-25. 

Fr. A. G. Martimort, "Notre Pere Dom Lambert Beauduin," Les questions 

liturqiques et paroissiales, September, 1959. 

Dom Prosper Gueranger 
(1805-75). He restored monastic 
life after the French Revolution, 
founding a Benedictine community 
in the restored St. Peters Abbey 
at Solesmes, France, in 1833. He 
authored the famous Liturgical 
Yean a 1 5-volume series giving 
explanation for every day of 
the Church's calendar year. 
Acknowledged as one of the 
leaders of the revival of Gregorian 
chant. He was the first to use the 
expression " Liturgical Movement." 


Dom Lambert 



Ordained for the diocese 

of Liege, Belgium, in 

1897. Became active as 

a labor chaplain, then 

entered the Benedictine 

monastery of Mont 

Cesar, making his 

profession in 1907. His 

first abbot was Dom 

Columba Marmion. 

In 1926 he founded a 

bi-ritual monastery for 

both Latin and Eastern 

rites at Amay, France, 

placing liturgy at the 

service of ecumenism. 

Was the first ecumenical 

"mastermind" to divert 

the Liturgical Movement 

of Dom Gueranger and 

Pope St. Pius X from its 

original intentions. 

Augustin Cardinal Bea (1881-1968). Born in 
the archdiocese of Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Germany. 

Studied at the University of Freiburg, the University 
of Innsbruck, the University of Berlin, and at the 
Theological Faculty of Valkenburg, Holland. Joined 
the Jesuits in 1902 in Holland. Ordained in 1912. 
Taught at the Pontifical Biblical Institute from 1924- 
49, of which he was Rector from 1930-49. Confessor 
of Pope Pius XII, 1945-58. Created Cardinal Deacon 
December 14, 1959. Named President of Secretariat 
for Christian Unity in 1 960, he championed religious 
liberty at Vatican Council II. 

Fr. Pius Parsch (1884-1954). Born at 

Olmiitz, Moravia. Became a canon of St, 

Augustine at the Austrian monastery of 

Klosterneuberg in 1904; ordained in 1909. 

Taught pastoral theology. He was inspired 

by his experience as a military chaplain to 

launch a biblical movement to help people 

attain a deeper understanding of the Bible and 

the liturgy, combining Biblical and liturgical 

movements. He founded the Popular Liturgical 

Apostolate and undertook an apostolate of the 

press. Renowned for his five-volume study of 

the liturgical year published in 1929 (entitled 

in English The Church's Year of Grace) . 

Fr. Romano Guardini (1885-1968). Born in 
Italy; transplanted a year later to Mainz, Germany. 
Studies of chemistry and economics preceded his 
study of theology at the Universities of Freiburg 
and Tubingen. While attending the university, he 
frequented the Benedictine abbey of Beuron and 
authored the very influential works, The Spirit of 
the Liturgy and Liturgical Education. Entered the 
seminary at Mainz, and was ordained in 1910. A 
powerful and very popular preacher. In 1927 became 
director of the Catholic Youth Movement and its 
center at Burg Rothenfels. According to Karl Rahner, 
what he did with the liturgy at his youth center was a 
direct model for the liturgical reform of Vatican II. 

Dom Odo Casel (1886-1948). Born 

in Germany. Attended preparatory schools 
and then entered the University of Bonn. 
Mentored by Dom Herwegen, he entered 
Maria Laach monastery in 1905. Professed 
in 1 907. Studied further in Germany and at 
the Benedictine house at Rome. Ordained a 
priest in 19.11. Wrote hundreds of articles and 
many books. While chaplain at a convent, he 
developed a system he called Mysterientheolgie, 
mystery theology (a.k.a., " Paschal Mystery 
Theology"), which provoked controversy. 

Fr. Josef Jungmann, SJ. (1889-1975). 

Austrian, ordained priest for the diocese of 

Innsbruck in 1913. Entered the Jesuits in 1917, 

obtaining his doctorate in theology in 1923. 

Taught pastoral theology, catechetics, and liturgy 

at the University of Innsbruck from 1925-38, and 

from 1945-63. In 1945 he became a member of 

the Austrian Liturgical Commission; in the 1950s 

he addressed several liturgical congresses, and was 

regarded as the outstanding liturgical scholar in the 

German-speaking world. In 1960 he was named to 

the Preparatory Commission, served as aperitus at 

Vatican II, and as a consultor for the Consilium. 







Giacomo Cardinal Lercaro 

(1891-1976). Born in the archdiocese 
of Genoa, Italy. Studied at the Seminary 
of Genoa and the Pontifical Biblical 
Institute at Rome. Ordained in 1914, 
consecrated Archbishop of Ravenna 
in 1947, and created Cardinal Priest 
on January 12, 1953. President of the 
Consilium for Liturgical Reform. 

Dom Bernard Botte 
(1893-1980). Monk of Mont 
Cesar, Belgium, as a young monk he 
assisted Dom Beauduin and listened 
to his lectures at Liturgical Weeks. He 
specialized in Oriental languages, which 
enabled him to study the ancient sources 
of rites. He collaborated in the Centre 
de Pastoral Liturgique and the Institut 
Superieur de Liturgie. He was appointed 
to the Consilium, and directed work 
groups that devised several key changes 
in the Roman liturgy. 

Fr. Hans Ansgar Reinhold 

(1897-1968). Born in Hamburg, 

Germany. Attended Lutheran public schools. 

Served in the German army during WWI, 

then attended the University of Freiburg, 

where he became acquainted with the 

philosophers Heidegger and Husserl. His 

life turned after reading Guardini's Spirit of 

the Liturgy. In 1920 he entered the Jesuit 

seminary in Innsbruck; in 1922 he spent a 

year at Maria Laach monastery, experiencing 

for the first time Mass celebrated facing 

the people. From that moment, he became 

an apostle of the Liturgical Movement. He 

was ordained in 1925; fled Germany in 

1936, taking asylum in the U.S., becoming 

a citizen in 1944. An active apostle of the 

liturgical reforms adopted at Vatican II. 

From 1938-54, he wrote a column for 

Orate Fratres (later Worship) under 

the headline "Timely Tracts." 

Ideas he advocated were incorporated 

in the Vatican II I inimical reforms. 


Dom Damasas Winzen, O.S.B. 
(1901-71). Born in Hanover, Germany. 
Attended the Universities of Gottingen and 
Munich. Entered the Benedictine monastery 
of Maria Laach in 1921. Received a Ph.D. 
in Philosophy and was appointed Professor 
of Philosophy and Rector of Studies at 
Maria Laach. Active in the Catholic Youth 
Movement in German universities. Came to 
the U.S. in 1938 and taught at Darlington 
Seminary of the Archdiocese of Newark, 
New Jersey. From 1941-46 he gave retreats 
and taught at Manhattanville College in New 
York. He was an associate editor of Orate 
Fratres (now Worship). He became chaplain 
of the Benedictine nuns of Regina Laudis 
in Bethlehem, Connecticut, from 1947-50, 
when he founded Mount Saviour Monastery 
and was appointed its first prior. 

Fr. Yves Congar, O.R (1904-95). 

Born in the archdiocese of Rheims, France. 
Educated at the Seminary of Rheims, 
the Catholic Institute of Paris. Joined the 
Dominicans (1925), taking the name of 
Marie-Joseph; professed in 1926; attended 
Le Saulchoir Dominican Seminary, Tournai, 
Belgium; ordained in 1930. Taught at Le 
Saulchoir 1931-39 and 1945-54. Served 
as a medical orderly in the French Army 
during WWII; awarded French Legion of 
Honor and Croix de Guerre. Forbidden by 
the Vatican to teach, lecture, or publish, and 
was banished to obscure posts in Jerusalem, 
Rome, Cambridge, and Strasbourg due to his 
support to worker-priest movement (1954- 
56). Consultant to preparatory theological 
commission of Vatican II (I960); expert at 
the Council (1962-65). Member of Interna- 
tional Theological Commission (1969-85). 
Nominated Cardinal Deacon (1994). 

Jean Cardinal Danielou, S J. 

(1905-74). Joined the Society of Jesus in 
1929, and was ordained in 1938. Taught at 
the Catholic Institute of Paris from 1943-69. 
hperitus at Vatican Council II. Consecrated 
titular Archbishop ofTaormina (1969), 
and was created Cardinal Deacon April 28, 
1969. Elected member of the Academie 
Francaise (1972). 

Fr. Balthasar Fischer (1912-2001). 

Called the "Godfather of the Liturgical 

Movement." Inducted into rhe Liturgical 

Movement by his seminary professor, Fr. 

Jungmann. Studied at the Academy for Liturgy 

and Monasticism at Maria Laach, attending the 

lectures of Dom Herwegen. Ordained in 1936. 

Was named professor at the major seminary 

where he lectured in liturgy. Occupied the first 

chair for liturgy established in Germany; involved 

in the Liturgical Institute of Trier. Participated 

in the Preparatory Commission for the Liturgy 

at Vatican II. Chaired the working group of the 

Consilium (1964-70) entrusted with the reform 

of the Rite of Baptism. 

Archbishop Annibale Bugnini 
(1912-82). Ordained priest in 1936; 

Secretary, Commission for General 
Liturgical Restoration, 1948-60; 
Secretary, Pontifical Preparatory 
Commission on the Liturgy, 1960- 
62; Peritus, Conciliar Commission 
on the Liturgy, 1962-64; Secretary, 
Consilium for the Implementation 
of the Constitution on the Liturgy, 
1 964-69; Secretary, Congregation for 
Divine Worship, 1969-75. Ordained 
titular Archbishop of Diocletiana, 
1972; Pro-Nuncio Apostolic in Iran, 

Fr. Adrien Nocent (1913-96). 

Monk of the Abbey of Maredsous, 
Denee, Belgium. Professed in 1933. 
Ordained a priest 1938. Co-founded 
the Pontifical Liturgical Institute at 
Sant-Anselmo, Rome, and served there 
as a professor for thirty-five years. His 
far-seeing work LAvenir de la liturgie 
(1961) appeared in English as The 
Future of the Liturgy (1963). 

Fr. Louis Bouyer, Oratorian 

(b.1913). Born in Paris; grew up 

in a non-denominational Protestant 

environment. Studied for Protestant 

license in theology at Paris. Influenced by 

his teachers, Auguste Lecerf (Calvinist), 

Oscar Cullmann (Lutheran), and Sergei 

Bulgakoff (Russian Orthodox). Began 

publishing in 1938. By 1947 he had 

become a Catholic priest and member 

of the Oratory, and had obtained a 

doctorate in theology from the Catholic 

Institute of Paris. His major works are 

Liturgical Piety (1954), and Eucharist 

(1968). As of 2002 is residing in Paris. 

Fr. Max Thurlan (1921-96). A 

Swiss Reformed pastor, for many years 
a member of the Faith and Order 
Commission of the World Council 
of Churches. Non-Catholic observer 
at Vatican II. Founding member 
of the ecumenical community of 
Taize, France. Ordained a priest in 
a semi-secret ceremony performed 
by Cardinal Ursi without having to 
abjure his Protestant heresy. 

Fr. Pierre-Marie Gy, O.P. (b.1922). 

In 1942, he entered the Dominican 
novitiate and studied at Le Saulchoir. Fr. 
Yves Congar was among his teachers. In 
1947 he was directed by his superiors 
to prepare to teach liturgy and to work 
with the Center for Liturgical Pastorate 
(CPL). A career teacher. In 1956 he was 
made professor at the Institut Superieur de 
Liturgie, and was its director from 1964- 
86. Served as expert for the preconciliar 
liturgical commission (Vatican II). 
Consultor for the Consilium. Director for 
the revision of the Roman Ritual (renamed 
The Book of Blessings). Consultor for the 
Congregation for Divine Worship and 
Discipline of the Sacraments. Still on the 
lecture circuit. 

Solemn High Mass facing the people. Eighth National 
Liturgical Week, Portland, Oregon, 1947. 

Inform;! [ion for these biographies was taken from Hon> Firm <i Foundation: Leaders of the Liturgical Movement, compiled by Robert l„ 
Tu/.ik (Chicago: Liturgy Training Publications, 1990). Information was also obtained from the Vatican website, from "The Cardinals of 
the Holy Roman Church," http:/ /ww^v. t ui . edu/ -mirandas/ca rdin.ils.htm . and from the Mourn Saviour Monastery website. 

Chapter 5 
The Years 1950-60 

"He who sows the wind reaps the whirlwind." This 
well-known saying perfectly sums up the period of liturgical his- 
tory that concerns us here. The wind was sown by men like Beau- 
duin, Casel, and Parsch, and the whirlwind arose, growing in 
strength throughout the 1950s. It soon became a hurricane — the 
Council, and was followed by death — the New Mass. 

In our study of this period, which covers the end of the pon- 
tificate of Pius XII and the beginning of that of John XXIII, we 
shall give an account of the avowals of the ringleaders of the Litur- 
gical Movement and describe the expansion of the movement 
throughout the world. 

The Movement Removes Its Mask 

The reader will recollect the words written by Dom Beauduin 
in 1945: 

If the Holy See is rightfully intent on maintaining liturgical 
observances whole and entire, and is very severe towards any en- 
terprise or initiative contrary to its laws, it shows itself on the 
other hand very comprehensive and very favorable towards any 
efforts made within the letter of the existing laws, and encourag- 
es unreservedly those historical studies which investigate the or- 
igin and evolution of our rites. The Holy See therefore wishes 
that its discipline should be studied by all historical methods. So 
the CPL can do much to realize this item of its program. 86 

The strategy of the post-war Liturgical Movement and, in 
particular, of the French CPL with its series Lex Orandi, was 
therefore to influence the Holy See by means of the publication of 
apparently learned historical works. One volume in this series, La 
vie de la liturgie by Fr. Louis Bouyer of the French Oratory, is par- 

"Normes pratiques pour les reformes liturgiques," La Maison-Dieu, no.l 
(January 1945), pp.9-22. 

58 The Liturgical Movement 

ticularly worthy of note. 87 Why this book rather than any other? 
Because it marks a decisive stage in the history of the Liturgical 
Movement; it ushers in the epoch of admissions and denials; ad- 
missions, because here Fr. Bouyer clearly affirms that the deviated 
movement is sympathetic towards the supporters of the anti-litur- 
gical heresy; denials, because here the author unrestrainedly 
mocks Dom Gueranger and the entire orthodox Liturgical Move- 
ment. The wolves are now in the sheepfold; they no longer need 
to disguise themselves in sheep's clothing. 

We shall now give a detailed description of this book, which 
in fact consists of lectures given by Fr. Bouyer in the United 
States. 88 It opens with an affectionate dedication to Dom Lambert 
Beauduin: "D. Lamberto Beauduin Patrifilius, Magistro discipulus 
pro tantis beneficiis hoc quamquam exiguum semper Deo gratias ref- 
erens dedicavit monumentum"^ The saying "Like father like son" 
is true enough, but, while Dom Beauduin was never without a 
certain prudence and even moderation, the last vestiges of his 
Benedictine formation, Fr. Bouyer gives full play to his theories 
and to his elegant but acid pen. Even the subtitle of the book is a 
complete program: "A Constructive Critique of the Liturgical 

The entire first section of the book is devoted to this critique. 
"One can only criticize well what one loves well," writes Fr. Bouy- 
er in the preface. That may be so, but all the same! After a savage 
condemnation of the liturgy of the Tridentine and post-Triden- 
tine eras, which he deliberately terms "the Baroque period," the 
Oratorian proceeds to the Romantic reaction and the restoration 
carried out by Dom Gueranger. 

But first he denounces the liturgy of the seventeenth century. 

The liturgy, as many handbooks of the period actually say, was 
considered to be "the etiquette of the great King." The most ob- 

Louis Bouyer, La vie de la liturgie, Collection Lex Orandi, 20 (Paris: Editions 
du Cerf, 1956). [Citations from the English version, see note 21. Page 
references following cited passages in this chapter are to this version.] 
At the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, which will be discussed below. 
"To Dom Lambert Beauduin. This humble memorial is dedicated by the 
son to the Father and by the disciple to the Master, in return for great 
benefits received and giving thanks to God at all times." Shortly before the 
war, Dom Lambert had converted Pastor Bouyer from Lutheranism. 

The Years 1950-60 59 

vious features of it were those embodying the external pomp, de- 
corum and grandeur befitting so majestic a Prince. The lack of 
any intelligible meaning in so many rites and even in the sacred 
words themselves was, therefore, praised as enhancing the im- 
pression of awe to be given to the dazzled multitude.... Of course, 
in such a conception, the plume on a guard's helmet is at least as 
important to the sacred rite as the sacramental materials. 

And here is the place to remind ourselves that this general 
assumption that the Liturgy is a kind of superlative court cere- 
monial was quite uncritically accepted by the first pioneers of the 
liturgical movement in the nineteenth century, both by Dom 
Gueranger and Dom Grea. (pp. 58-59) 

Poor Dom Gueranger! To begin with, like all those ultramon- 
tane and anti-liberal Catholics, he was an ignoramus, or at best a 
self-taught man. 

This, then, was the great weakness of the Catholic revival in the 
nineteenth century — a congenital lack of scientific grounding 
and even of healthy critical reasoning. This same lack appeared 
at the very beginning of what we may call the modern liturgical 
revival, in the form of strange deficiencies in logic, and startling 
justifications of liturgical practices, sometimes amounting to 
humbug, (p.l 1) 

Dom Gueranger regarded the medieval period "as providing a 
clue to the true signification of the liturgy itself" (p. 10). Hence, 
adds Fr. Bouyer, "the frenzy for Gothic everywhere — Gothic 
buildings, Gothic vestments, Gothic singing, Gothic poetry and 
romance, and so on" (p. 10). Certainly this desire for an almost 
exclusive return to the Middle Ages was doubtless excessive on the 
part of the restorer of Solesmes, but it is surely not very intelligent 
of the author to add: "But neither can we deny that this worship 
was an antiquarian reconstruction, and one of very doubtful au- 
thenticity on many cardinal points. On the one hand, it had lost 
that contact with the mentality of its own times which the Ba- 
roque worship had certainly possessed, and, on the other hand, 
the antiquity which it re-created was no more what it made out to 
be than the sham Goth architecture of Viollet-le-Duc or Pugin 
was truly Gothic" (pp.1 1-12). 

In the opinion of Fr. Bouyer, the Middle Ages, like the Ba- 
roque period, had no understanding of the true nature of the lit- 
urgy. "Dom Herwegen," he wrote, 

60 The Liturgical Movement 

more forcefully than any other authority, has shown that the me- 
dieval period, though its way of carrying out the traditional lit- 
urgy was superior to Baroque practice, had already begun to 
overlay the liturgy with fanciful interpretations and develop- 
ments foreign to its nature. Therefore, far from demonstrating 
an ideal understanding and practice of the Catholic liturgy, the 
medieval period in fact paved the way for the abandonment of 
the liturgy by Protestantism and its final disgrace and neglect in 
so much of post-Tridentine Catholicism, (p. 15) 

So St. Thomas Aquinas and Durandus of Mende (1237?- 1296) 
are responsible for the errors of Luther! 

The "constructive critique" of Fr. Bouyer thus leads us to the 
Patristic era, the golden age of liturgy, and the privileged epoch 
when the Church still understood the "Christian Mystery," in the 
words of Dom Casel. Therefore, in the eyes of Fr. Bouyer and the 
deviated Liturgical Movement, the Church in the course of the 
centuries had progressively lost a true understanding of the litur- 
gy. What a scandalous idea! 

After this, the remainder of the work does not surprise us. As 
the Church has been unfaithful to its liturgical mission, the only 
good and true Christians are those who have reacted against the 
"mummification" of the liturgy. In the words of the Oratorian: 
"After what has been said already concerning the slow but contin- 
uous disintegration of sound liturgical thinking which took place 
during the Middle Ages, we need not be surprised at the fact that 
the beginnings of a true liturgical movement, as we have just de- 
fined it, are to be found during the sixteenth century." Erasmus 
and the first reformers are the fathers of this movement. 

Certainly, Fr. Bouyer reproaches the latter for having left the 
Church, but he immediately adds: 

But it may be said in fact that, in this field as in many others, 
the Reformation was shipwrecked not because it was too daring, 
although this has often been said, but because it was much too 
uncritical of its own assumptions.... 

For these reasons, the beginnings of a true liturgical revival 
are not to be sought in the so-called Reformation, but rather to 
be looked for in the reaction to it — a reaction which should have 
been at once critical of the Reformation itself and of the state of 
things which the Reformation opposed. Unfortunately, at first 
this was not so: the great weakness of the Counter-Reformation 

The Years 1950-60 61 

lay in its inability to achieve quickly a balance between criticism 
of the Reformation and criticism of its causes — and Baroque Ca- 
tholicism was the result, (pp. 42-43) 

What a mockery of the magnificent Catholic renewal called forth 
by the Council of Trent! 

And the "constructive critique" of Bouyer does not end here. 
There follow page upon page of praise for the Anglican theolo- 
gians of the reign of Charles I, the "Caroline divines." Finally, the 
author gives an idyllic description of the work of the Gallican and 
Jansenist reformers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
Such men as Letourneux, Voisin, and Jube are praised to the skies, 
while Dom Gueranger, who dared to criticize them 90 is cast into 
the lowest depths. 

We have now summarized the essence of Fr. Bouyer's critique. 
We leave it to the reader to judge the extent to which the Oratori- 
an of 1956 had lost the "primordial Catholic sense" spoken of by 
Dom Rousseau in 1945. He had certainly come a long way in ten 
years! Now we must consider the "constructive" as opposed to the 
critical section of the work. First of all, Fr. Bouyer defines the con- 
cept of tradition. "In approaching the reform of the liturgy, we 
must, first of all, keep in mind the danger of either a false tradi- 
tionalism, on the one hand, or of a rash modernism, on the other" 
(p. 70). Certainly! But instead of following the course of true 
traditionalism, he adopts a "well-considered" modernism, dis- 
creetly taking the course described by Cardinal Newman. 91 The 
liturgy, like the entire magisterium of the Church, will be a reflec- 
tion of Catholic truth, but this teaching will be valid only for a 
given era. 

We are not exaggerating the statements of Fr. Bouyer. He 

More exactly — as can be seen in the statements of the Coun- 
cil of Trent and in the detailed formulations of the various Pon- 
tifical Bulls canonizing the Missal and Breviary of Pius V, and, 
finally, in the Encyclical Mediator Dei — in the field of liturgy as 
in every other, the living authority of the Holy See itself and of 
all the Bishops, at Trent and elsewhere, intervenes precisely in 

90 Gueranger, Institutions liturqiques, vol.11, passim. 

91 John Henry Newman, Via Media, vol.1, pp.249-51. 

62 The Liturgical Movement 

order to canonize what it considers to be the most perfect vehicle 
available in our age for the maintenance of the tradition which 
through Christian antiquity has come down from the Apostles 
themselves. 92 (p. 72) 

Such a statement is a proclamation of Modernism. As early as 
1907 St. Pius X had written: 

[For the Modernists] these [religious] formulae therefore 
stand midway between the believer and his faith: in their relation 
to the faith they are the inadequate expression of its object, and 
are usually called symbols; in their relation to the believer they 
are mere instruments. Hence it is quite impossible to maintain 
that they absolutely contain the truth; for, in so far as they are 
symbols, they are the images of truth, and so must be adapted to 
the religious sense in its relation to man; and as instruments, 
they are the vehicles of truth, and must therefore in their turn be 
adapted to man in his relation to the religious sense. But the ob- 
ject of the religious sense, as something contained in the abso- 
lute, possesses an infinite variety of aspects, of which now one, 
now another, may present itself. In like manner he who believes 
can avail himself of varying conditions. Consequently, the for- 
mulae which we call dogma must be subject to these vicissitudes, 
and are, therefore, liable to change.... Wherefore, if for any rea- 
son this adaptation should cease to exist, they lose their first 
meaning and accordingly need to be changed. 93 

Therefore, for Fr. Bouyer, as for all the modernists who are 
today occupying the Church, the definitions of the Council of 
Trent and the liturgy that resulted from them "upheld, in their 
era, the tradition that we have received, byway of Christian antiq- 
uity, from the Apostles themselves." But almost four centuries 
have passed since the Council of Trent; the dogmatic formulae 
and the liturgy are no longer suited to "modern man" or to the 
Christian come of age, "and accordingly need to be changed." As 

The reader will notice that Fr. Bouyer uses the word "canonize." Archbishop 
Lefebvre also used this expression in his sermon of June 29, 1976, but gave 
it the full Catholic meaning: "St. Pius V has solemnly affirmed in his bull 
that, in perpetuity, never, at any time, may any censure be inflicted on a 
priest because he says this Mass. Why? Because this Mass has been 
canonized; he [Pius V] canonized it in perpetuity. Now, a pope cannot 
revoke a canonization. The pope can make a new rite, but he cannot revoke 
a canonization." Ete chaud (Martigny: Editions S. Gabriel, 1976), p. 12. 
St. Pius X, Pascendi Dominici Gregis, September 8, 1907, Dz 2079-80. 

The Years 1950-60 63 

a result, Bouyer attempts to discover the "permanent shape of the 
liturgy"; then he indicates "some means whereby this ever con- 
stant wealth of Christian tradition may be applied to the present 
situation and its needs" (p. 74). 

Fr. Bouyer discovered this "permanent shape of the liturgy" in 
the Jewish Eucharist. With the sensus catholicus which is his distin- 
guishing mark, the Oratorian takes almost all his ideas from Prot- 
estant writers: Brilioth, Lietzmann, and Cullmann are frequently 
quoted. 94 In the works of these authors he discovers the four ele- 
ments that constitute the Eucharist: communion, sacrifice, 
thanksgiving, and memorial. In his definition of these terms we 
see the birth of a completely new theology of the Mass, a theology 
that was to be consecrated thirteen years later, in 1969, in the In- 
stitutio Generalis of the New Order of Mass. It is by no means an 
exaggeration to say that Fr. Bouyer, who is at the time of this writ- 
ing (1978) a member of the Central Theological Commission, is 
one of those chiefly responsible for the protestantization of the 
postconciliar liturgy. In his own words: "Thus, the element of 
'Communion' means that the Eucharist is a meal, a community 
meal, in which all the participants are brought together to have a 
common share in common goods..." (p. 76). Later on we find: 

The use of these sacrificial terms did not arise, as might be 
supposed, from an idea of the Cross as being in some way repre- 
sented in the Mass. Far from it — historical evidence leads us 
rather to the supposition that the terminology of sacrifice came 
to be applied to the Cross by the Church because the Cross was 
felt to be at the heart of the sacrifice which is offered by the 
Church in the Eucharistic celebration, (p. 76) 

The thanksgiving, as understood by the Oratorian, already 
gives us a glimpse of the changes in the Offertory which we have 
seen. "It is a thanksgiving to God for all His gifts," he writes "in- 
cluding in one view the whole of creation and redemption but 
always taking as a starting point the bread and wine, typical of all 
created things, and the consuming of which is the actual occasion 

Yngve Brilioth, Eucharistic Faith and Practice (London, 1930); Litzmann, 
Messe und Herrenmahh Oscar Cullman, La signification de la Sainte Cene 
dans le Christianisme primitif '(Strasbourg, 1936). 

64 The Liturgical Movement 

both of the meal itself and of the celebration attached to it" 

Having considered the memorial in its relation to the Word 
of God, Fr. Bouyer writes, in the tradition started by Dom Pius 

The whole Eucharistic celebration is also a memorial.... [T] here 
is an inseparable connection between the two parts of the Chris- 
tian synaxis, that is, between the Bible readings and the meal. For 
the readings lead up to the meal. They recall to memory God's 
action of entering into human history, redeeming it, and fulfill- 
ing it from within; while the meal itself commemorates the cli- 
max of this process in the Cross of Christ. And the meal needs 
the readings to point out to us the way to see it aright, not as a 
separate event of today, but understandable only in reference to 
a decisive action accomplished once and for all in the past. Such 
a consideration will bring us in due time to see that the whole 
Mass is a single liturgy of the Word, Who began by speaking to 
man; Who continued speaking to him more and more intimate- 
ly; Who finally spoke to him most directly as the Word-made- 
flesh; and Who now speaks from the very heart of man himself 
to God the Father through the Spirit, (p. 79) 

The reader will now understand more clearly the exaggerated 
importance given to the sacrosanct "Liturgy of the Word" by 
modern liturgists. Nothing, absolutely nothing, in the conciliar 
and postconciliar reforms is the result of chance. Every change in 
the rubrics corresponds to a grave theological error concocted in 
the laboratories of the deviated Liturgical Movement. This is true 
to such an extent that in the writings of Fr. Bouyer we find almost 
the complete text of the notorious Article 7 of the Institutio Gen- 
eralis of the Novus Ordo Missae, which we have mentioned above. 
He has the audacity to write: 

Clearly, this balanced view of the celebration of the Eucha- 
rist can enable us to grasp fully the idea of the real presence of 
Christ in His Church. We are not, in a word, to focus our con- 
templation on the sacramental bread and wine alone, but on two 
other realities as well. If there is a necessity, first of all, to consid- 
er the presence of Christ as victim in the eucharistic elements, we 
must not for that reason neglect His presence as high priest in 
the whole hierarchy. Christ will be present in the elements only 
because He is present in the man who is to preside over the syn- 
axis and to say the thanksgiving in Christ's own name, this pres- 

The Years 1950-60 65 

ence being brought about through the apostolic succession. 
And, thirdly, Christ is to be present in the whole body of the 
Church, for the Church enjoys the Eucharistic presence only to 
be made one, in Christ and with Christ, through the Eucharistic 
celebration, and especially through the consummation in the 
holy meal, (pp.80-81) 

Fr. Bouyer finds this "balanced concept of the eucharistic cel- 
ebration" in the Jewish liturgy. 95 The liturgy of the sacred meals 
provides him with the ideal eucharistic formula: "Blessed art 
thou, O Lord our God, king from all eternity, who hast created 
the fruit of the vine." Let us repeat once again that the "Lerca- 
ro-Bugnini Studio" which produced the New Mass found its sce- 
nario in the works of the Liturgical Movement of the years 
1950-1960. The new Offertory is simply a repetition of the Jew- 
ish blessings that were so highly praised by Fr. Bouyer. 

We hope we have not wearied the reader with this lengthy 
analysis of La vie de la liturgie. For we feel that such a study is 
necessary in order to give a true account of the state of the Litur- 
gical Movement at the beginning of the second half of the twenti- 
eth century: it had been completely taken over by Modernism and 
Protestantism. From now on it should no longer be called the Li- 
turgical Movement, but the "Liturgical Revolution," a revolution 
not only in the theory but also in the practice of the liturgy. As 
proof of this, let us bear in mind the following words of Romano 

The celebration must emphasize the great moments of the sacred 
event, accentuate the features of its inner structure, bring about 
the more direct participation of the faithful, etc. We do not set 
ourselves such a task here; rather, it would have to be brought 
about by a sort of ideal ordo^ the preparatory work for the draft 
of which is, moreover, already quite advanced. 

This revealing passage was written shortly after the Second 
World War. 96 From now on nothing will stand in the way of li- 
turgical revolution. 

The Cahiers Sioniens published by the Fathers of Sion, 68, rue 
Notre-Dame-des-Champs, Paris, played an important role in this judaizing 
of the liturgy. The principal editors were Miss Renee Bloch, Professor 
Vermes of Oxford, and Fr. Paul Demann. 

66 The Liturgical Movement 

The Expansion of the Movement 
Throughout the World 

This period in the history of the Liturgical Revolution is 
characterized by the increasing influence throughout the world of 
the French and German liturgists. They appear everywhere, ar- 
range great numbers of congresses and conferences, organize 
"summer universities," translate their writings into many lan- 
guages, and, above all, in the words of Dom Beauduin, gain the 
"active sympathy" of the episcopate. 

In France, first of all, the notorious CPL was overtaken by 
more radical revolutionaries, who organized large numbers of 
what were then known as "paraliturgies." These were a sort of 
prayer group outside the liturgy of the Church, by which mem- 
bers were "initiated" into a spirit of greater participation in the 
liturgy proper. The CPL could no longer control its troops. The 
chaplains of Catholic Action withdrew their more militant mem- 
bers from the parishes, their only concern now being to evangelize 
the modern, unbelieving world, and consequently faithful Catho- 
lics were almost entirely neglected. 

Fr. Bouyer gave at this time his very lucid opinion of such 

These various factors could lead, and sometimes have led to 
some neglect of the traditional aspect of the liturgy, and to an 
interest perhaps not perfectly balanced in making up or re-mak- 
ing the liturgy. The creation and overwhelming success of what 
have been called "paraliturgies" are proofs of what we have just 
been saying. Composed first to be a means of education, a tran- 
sitional device preparing the way for an understanding of the lit- 
urgy itself, these "paraliturgies" have often become ends in 
themselves. Some people, that is, have been tempted to find in 
these para-liturgies, not a means toward taking part in the real 
liturgy, but rather a "liturgy of the future" which will more or 
less replace or refashion the official liturgy itself. 9 

Thus, by 1955, the generation to which Duploye, Roguet, 
and Bouyer belonged had been overtaken by "young wolves," 

Romano Guardini, Besinnung von der Feier der heiligen Messe (Mainz, 1 947). 
Translated by Pie Duploye and published as La Messe, Collection Lex 
Orandi,vo\.2\ (Cerf, 1957). 
Bouyer, Liturgical Piety, pp. 67-68. 

The Years 1950-60 67 

who treated them much more savagely than they themselves had 
treated the leaders of the pre-war movement. In 1956 was found- 
ed the Parisian Liturgical Institute (Institut Superieur de Liturgie) 
with Dom Bernard Botte as director, Fr. Pierre-Marie Gy, O.P, as 
assistant director, and Fr. Pierre Jounel as secretary. The first to 
graduate from this Institute, which was independent of the CPL, 
was Dom Adrien Nocent, whom we shall meet again at St. 
Anselm's in Rome on the eve of the Council. 98 

At the same time contacts became increasingly frequent be- 
tween the CPL in Paris and the Liturgical Institute in Trier. Fr. 
Doncoeur and Fr. Chenu often travelled to Germany, while Dom 
Pius Parsch and Professor Romano Guardini visited France. 
These constant exchanges resulted, from 1950 onwards, in the Se- 
maines d'etudes liturgiques (Liturgical Study Weeks) in Luxem- 
burg which, under the patronage of Bishops Philippe and Lom- 
mel, played a very great role in the co-ordination of the various 
European liturgical organizations." The Conference of the Car- 
dinals and Archbishops of France had been won over to the cause 
of the Liturgical Movement. In 1956 it published a Directoire 
pour la pastorale de la messe a Image des dioceses de France. The very 
title of this document shows the considerable influence of the 
CPL on the French episcopate. 

In Germany the situation deteriorated even more rapidly. 
The Bishops' Conference had been on the side of the movement 
since 1940. Bishop Grober and the encyclical Mediator Dei had 
not been able to stem the revolutionary tide, and the years 
1950-60 saw a succession of victories for the Liturgical Institute 
in Trier (founded in 1 947) and for the bishops who had given it 
their allegiance. 

The "German High Mass" became widespread and included 
even Pontifical Masses, which produced a reaction from the Holy 
Office in 1955. The decree of April 29, 1955, stated that the priv- 
ilege of the German High Mass did not extend to Pontifical Mass- 
es, Masses in the presence of a bishop, or to seminaries, monaster- 
ies, and cathedrals; furthermore, the singing of the Proper in 

For the complete history of the Parisian Institut Superieur de Liturgie, see 
Bernard Botte, Le movement liturgique, pp.1 19-35. 

Jean Hild, Perspectives de pastorale liturgique, 1951. Premiere semaine d'etudes 
liturgiques de Luxembourg, 1950. 

68 The Liturgical Movement 

German was forbidden. The German episcopate did not obey, 
and Bishop Stohr, president of the Liturgical Commission, went 
so far as to write that the decree represented "a renewed approba- 
tion of the German High Mass." During this time Romano 
Guardini was working on a translation of the Psalter for liturgical 

Mention should also be made of the two great Liturgical 
Congresses held in Germany, the first in Frankfurt in 1950 and 
the second in Munich in 1955. The concluding resolutions of 
these Congresses were all in the same vein: the reduction of the 
Eucharistic fast, permission for evening Masses, the reform of 
Holy Week, and vernacular readings at Mass. 100 

In Spain as a direct result of the massacres of 1936, the Li- 
turgical Movement was entirely extinguished, a state of affairs 
that lasted from the start of the Civil War until 1954. During the 
1950's onwards, the French and German liturgists made a 
concerted effort to revive the Spanish Liturgical Movement on an 
openly reformist basis. As in every country at this time, Catholic 
Action also encouraged the "renewal." First of all, in May 1952, 
the 35th International Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona brought 
together liturgists from all over the world. In 1954 the very pro- 
gressive journal Inclinable cooperated in founding the Coloquios 
de Pastoral Liturgica (Discussions on the Liturgical Pastorate) pre- 
sided over by Bishop Miranda, auxiliary bishop of Toledo. The 
same bishop, until his death in an accident in 1961, also directed 
the Junta Nacional de Apostolado Liturgico (National Association 
for the Liturgical Apostolate) founded on April 15, 1956. In 1957 
the first Spanish liturgical study week took place in the presence 
of Bishop Tarancon. As in other countries, the publication of 
"Directions for the Celebration of Mass" was the order of the day. 
The final outcome of these endeavors was the foundation in 1958 
of the Center for the Liturgical Pastorate in Barcelona. 101 

In Italy events moved more slowly, owing to the fact that un- 
til 1959 there was no Bishops' Conference. Here again, the in- 
fluence of the French CPL and the Liturgical Institute in Trier 
was considerable, especially as a result of the dissemination of the 

Kolbe, "Allemagne," pp. 47-62. 

Casiano Floristan, "Espagne," La Maison-Dieu, no. 74 (1963), pp. 109-27. 

The Years 1950-60 69 

works of the leaders of the German and French movements. The 
Centro di Azione Liturgica (Center for Liturgical Action) was 
founded in 1948 by Bishop Bernareggi of Bergamo. The pro- 
tector of this organization, which was the equivalent of the CPL, 
was the very powerful Cardinal Lercaro. In the years 1955-60 two 
dioceses, Milan and Bologna, were at the forefront of the Italian 
movement; the names of their pastors, Cardinal Montini and 
Cardinal Lercaro, were later to gain a sad notoriety 102 

In the United States the Liturgical Movement had been great- 
ly influenced from the start by the Abbey of Maria Laach. The 
leaders of the American "Movement," Fr. Reinhold, Dom Win- 
zen and Professor Quasten, were all German. From 1947 on- 
wards, a liturgical seminar was held every summer at the Universi- 
ty of Notre Dame in Indiana and drew the leading European 
"specialists," including Fr. Jungmann and Fr. Jean Danielou. It 
was here, too, that Fr. Bouyer expounded his "constructive cri- 
tique" of the Liturgical Movement. The University of Washing- 
ton also gave shelter to a Research Center which closely followed 
the ideas of Dom Casel. 103 

This worldwide survey of the Liturgical Movement would be 
incomplete without a mention of the "International Congresses 
for Liturgical Studies," which every year brought together the li- 
turgical "intelligentsia" of the whole world. Here, under the pro- 
tection of such eminent prelates as Cardinal Bea, the periti of five 
continents exchanged views, took resolutions and suggested re- 
forms. The Congresses were held at Maria Laach (1951), 104 
Mont-Sainte-Odile in Alsace (1952), Lugano (1953), Louvain 
(1954), Assisi (1956), Montserrat in Spain (1958), and finally in 
Munich (1960). 

Let us take a brief look at the Allocution of Pope Pius XII to 
the members of the Congress of Assisi on September 22, 1956. 105 

' Rinaldo Falsini, "Italie," La Maison-Dieu, no. 74 (1963), pp. 55-69. 

' Jean Danielou, "Le mouvement liturgique aux Etats-Unis," La 
Maison-Dieu, no.25 (1951), pp.90-3. 

The Congresses were not attended by a member of the hierarchy until 
Lugano (1953), when the reform of the Mass was discussed with great vigor. 
Fr. Jungmann proved to be very critical of the Roman Canon. See Botte, Le 
Mouvement liturgique, pp. 102- 104. Other congresses were held, which were 
technically "strictly private": at Mont Cesar in 1954, under the aegis of 
Dom Capelle, there was a debate on concelebration. 

70 The Liturgical Movement 

This address perfectly reflects the profound ambiguity of the situ- 
ation in the Church at the end of the pontificate of Pope Pius XII. 
We shall lay particular stress on this point in the following chap- 
ter. We have already emphasized the fact that Pope Pius XII did 
not know the true position of the Liturgical Movement. Its most 
dangerous leaders were being supported and protected by the 
highest dignitaries in the Church. How could the Pope have sus- 
pected that the "experts" who were so highly praised by Cardinals 
Bea and Lercaro were in fact the most dangerous enemies of the 
Church? Thus Pius XII gave the most inopportune encour- 
agement to the Congress at Assisi: 

The Liturgical Movement is like an indication of the plans 
of divine providence for the present time, like the wind of the 
Holy Ghost blowing through the Church, bringing men closer 
to the mysteries of the faith and the treasures of grace, which 
flow from the active participation of the faithful in the life of the 

This declaration would have been true and timely before 
1920; in 1956 it was no longer so. In the intervening years the 
Liturgical Movement had denied its origins and abandoned the 
principles laid down by Dom Gueranger and St. Pius X. It was no 
longer inspired by the wind of the Holy Ghost, but by the fetid 
breath of Satan. 

' The complete translation of this Allocution appears in the Enseignements 
pontificaux, Liturgie, vol.1 (Solesmes), nos. 793-822. 

Chapter 6 
The liturgical Reforms 

We shall now consider the first liturgical reforms, both those 
of Pius XII and those of John XXIII. We shall try to understand 
the intentions of their authors and to decide whether their efforts 
were justified, without, however, presuming to make a final judg- 
ment on such a delicate matter, and one that to this day has been 
very little studied. In conclusion we shall demonstrate that, what- 
ever one's opinion of these reforms, one cannot deny that even at 
this early date they led to a painful confusion among the faithful, 
a foretaste of the misery of our own times. 

The liturgical Reforms of Pope Pius XII 

In the motu proprio In Cotidianis Precibus of March 24, 
1945, 106 Pius XII authorized a new translation of the Psalms for 
use in the recitation of the Divine Office. This new Latin transla- 
tion, made by the Pontifical Biblical Institute, met with very little 
success, a fact that says much for the good taste and religious sense 
of the Catholic clergy. Indeed, this radically revised version, 
which closely followed the Hebrew text, was devoid of all poetry, 
included many words that were difficult to pronounce, and was 
completely unsuited to Gregorian chant. It stands as a permanent 
witness to the lack of liturgical sense on the part of Cardinal Bea 
and his Jesuit colleagues who were responsible for the work. 

But let us now consider a much more important event: the 
foundation, on May 18, 1948, of the Pontifical Commission for 
the Reform of the Liturgy. Before examining the actions of this 
Commission, we shall first consider the motives for its foundation 
and the circumstances surrounding it. We must state, first of all, 
that liturgical reform, within certain limits, is perfectly legitimate. 
So we are not questioning the foundation of the Commission as 
such, but rather its advisability at that particular time. For exam- 
ple, during a period of earthquakes and tremors, no architect 

*/£/</., nos. 481-9. 

72 The Liturgical Movement 

would decide to restore a fortress which, although old, was still 
solid and robust. He would fear that his work would undermine 
the ancient walls which were already under attack from all quar- 
ters. From this example we can see that to undertake a reform of 
the liturgy at a time when it was being attacked on all sides by its 
worst enemies, meant cooperating in its destruction by further 
undermining its already shaken foundations. One does not 
change course in a storm. But first, one must recognize that there 
is a storm. And, in addition, the captain must be kept well in- 
formed by his officers. So we cannot emphasize too often that 
Pope Pius XII was not aware of the storm that was then battering 
the Barque of Peter. He did not know that the Liturgical Move- 
ment was in the hands of the most dangerous enemies of the 
Church. How could he have suspected such a terrible fact, when 
the noblest princes of the Church were disguising these wolves 
with sheep's clothing! It would have been impossible for him to 
have recognized such a situation at that time and without the ben- 
efit of hindsight. It is easy to make judgments in 1980, when the 
Modernists have long since been unmasked and have made public 
their underground activities, but in 1948 how could one know 
that a cardinal's purple, or a black and white habit, concealed a 
disciple of Loisy? 

Dom Beauduin had given the marching orders in 1945: 107 his 
followers' requests were to be put forward by the bishops and by 
dedicated members of Catholic Action. And he wrote: "The 
Church has no fear of modifying her discipline for the good of her 
children." The bishops, therefore, multiplied their petitions to 
Rome, demanding liturgical reforms and the mitigation of sacra- 
mental discipline: the reform of the Eucharistic fast, evening 
Masses, the reform of Holy Week, and the introduction of the 
vernacular into the sacramental rites. Since there was often an ex- 
isting pastoral need, Pius XII felt obliged to comply with these 

Thus, with the purest of intentions, Pius XII undertook re- 
forms that were required by the good of souls, but without realiz- 
ing, as would have been impossible, that he was thereby under- 
mining the foundations of the Church's liturgy and discipline at 

107 "Normes pratiques pour les reformes liturgiques," pp. 9-22. 

The liturgical Reforms 73 

one of the most critical moments in their history, and, above all, 
without being aware that he was putting into practice the pro- 
gram of the deviated Liturgical Movement. The demands pre- 
sented by Msgr. Harscouet and Cardinal Bertram had been for- 
mulated by Dom Beauduin and Romano Guardini, and Pius XII 
did not suspect this in the slightest; such was the nature of the 
terrible drama experienced by the Church during these years of 
the pontificate of the Angelic Pastor. Therefore, in order to un- 
derstand these first Roman reforms, one must always look at both 
sides of the question. On the one hand, they are the expression of 
the will of a saintly Pope, which guarantees their perfect ortho- 
doxy; on the other, they are stages in the realization of a plot in- 
tended to bring about the death of the Church. 

And now for the details: first of all, the reform of the Eucha- 
ristic fast. Since the end of the war, the bishops had unceasingly 
begged the Holy See to extend the indults granted as a result of 
wartime conditions. In the apostolic constitution Christus Domi- 
nus of January 6, 1953, Pope Pius XII reduced "the period of fast- 
ing to be observed before celebrating Mass or receiving Holy 
Communion to three hours for solid food and to one hour for 
non-alcoholic drinks." 108 In the motu proprio Sacram Commun- 
ionem of March 19, 1957, the same pontiff further extended the 
permission to celebrate Mass in the afternoon. 

We shall now quote a passage from this document, to demon- 
strate to the reader the twofold nature of the influence behind 
these reforms, which we have discussed above. On the one hand, 
the pressure from the bishops (who were being manipulated by 
the various liturgical centers) and, on the other, the perfectly le- 
gitimate pastoral concern of the Angelic Pastor: 

The bishops have expressed to Us their profound gratitude 
for these concessions, which have produced abundant fruit, and 
many have persistently implored Us to authorize them to permit 
the daily celebration of Mass during the afternoon, in view of the 
great profit that the faithful would derive from this.. . .Given the 
considerable changes that have taken place in the organization of 
work and of the public services, and in social conditions as a 
whole, We have judged it good to acquiesce in the pressing de- 
mands of the bishops. 109 

' Liturgie, nos. 678-83. 

74 The Liturgical Movement 

Pope Pius XII ends his motu proprio with an appeal to reli- 
gious ardor: "But We most strongly exhort those priests and faith- 
ful, who are able to do so, to observe before Mass or Holy Com- 
munion the ancient and venerable form of the Eucharistic fast." 
Thus, while the Pope was concerned with making legitimate con- 
cessions to the demands of health and modern life, the neo-litur- 
gists saw these reforms as constituting the first steps in the de- 
struction of the Church's sacramental discipline. The three hours 
were soon reduced to one, which then became the "quarter of an 
hour" of Paul VI. 

We shall find exactly the same elements in the reform of Holy 
Week. Since 1945-6 the French CPL and similar organizations 
throughout the world had organized numerous conferences, pub- 
lications, and initiatives of every kind, with the aim of enabling 
the faithful to participate in the ceremonies of Holy Week, cere- 
monies of an interminable length, held at unsuitable times, in the 
presence of a ridiculously small number of the faithful... Such a 
state of affairs could not be allowed to continue. "For these rea- 
sons," Cardinal Cicognani wrote, 

leading liturgical experts, priests entrusted with the care of souls, 
and above all Their Excellencies the Bishops have in recent years 
sent insistent requests to the Holy See for the return of the litur- 
gical ceremonies of the Sacred Triduum to the evening, as was 
the case in ancient times. This will ensure that all the faithful will 
be able to assist at these ceremonies without difficulty. 110 

Here again, we can see that Pius XII is acting for an essentially 
pastoral reason: so that large numbers of the faithful will be able 
to assist at the greatest liturgical ceremonies of the year. 

To this end, in 1951, he granted certain dioceses permission 
to celebrate the Easter Vigil on the evening of Holy Saturday. In 
1953 he entrusted to the Commission for the Reform of the Lit- 
urgy the task of reforming the entire Office of Holy Week. When 
the work was completed it was approved by the College of Cardi- 
nals on July 19, 1955, and promulgated by the Sacred Congrega- 

1)9 Ibid., no.825. 

10 Sacred Congregation of Rites, Decree Maxima Redemptionis, November 16, 
1955, in Litnrgie, nos. 740-3. 

The liturgical Reforms 75 

tion of Rites in the decree Maxima Redemptionis of November 16 
of the same year. 

In two years the members of the Commission had accom- 
plished a considerable amount of work, and it is quite clear that 
they had gone further than the Pope had intended. Pius XII want- 
ed to restore the traditional times of the Offices, with the aim of 
making it easier for the faithful to attend them; nowhere do we 
find any indication of a wish to change the rites of Holy Week. 
Proof of this is given by the decree Maxima Redemptionis, which 
justifies only the new times and makes no mention at all of the 
changes in the ceremonies themselves. The periti of the Com- 
mission took advantage of the work in progress to introduce into 
the rites their archaeological discoveries and liturgical theories. 
The "experts" treated this reform as a "trial run." Having estab- 
lished the success of their ceremonies, they later introduced them 
into the entire liturgy. 

Thus the changes in the liturgy of the Mass in the Ordo Heb- 
domadae Sanctae Restauratus (Restored Liturgy of Holy Week) 
were extended to the whole liturgy by the reform promulgated by 
John XXIII in 1960. But let us not anticipate. We shall discuss 
first of all the most important changes of 1955. First of all, the 
extreme simplification of the Blessing of the Palms, which came 
about under the pretext of purifying the Missal of its non-Roman 
elements; indeed, the idea of such an expurgation went back a 
long time, to the English liturgical scholar Edmund Bishop writ- 
ing in 1899. Having favorably compared the "sobriety of Roman 
forms" with the elaboration of the "early Gallican and Spanish 
books," he continued: 

Features that are most characteristic of them are not, indeed, 
wholly wanting in the Roman missal, as, for instance, in the 
third prayer for the blessing of the palms on Palm Sunday, which 
begins much like an ordinary collect, and then breaks forth into 
an expository instruction on the mystical meaning of the cere- 
mony. "The branches of palms, then, signify His triumph," etc., 
etc. — an exposition quite in place in an address to the people, 
but surely not so, according to our now common notions, in a 
prayer addressed to God. 111 

Edmund Bishop, The Genius of the Roman Rite, 2nd ed. (London: F. E. 
Robinson & Co., 1901), p.ll. 

76 The Liturgical Movement 

We should also note that the four narratives of the Passion 
sung during Holy Week no longer include the Anointing at Beth- 
any or, which is more serious, the Last Supper. The Last Gospel 
has been suppressed on Palm Sunday, Maundy Thursday, and at 
the Mass of the Easter Vigil (when the Preparatory Prayers are also 
omitted). The celebrant no longer reads the passages sung by the 
deacon and sub-deacon; only the deacon says "Flectarnus genua 
and "Levate." All these changes were introduced, not to mention 
the changes in the ceremonies of the New Fire and the Paschal 
Candle, and, above all, the radical reduction in the number of 
readings and responses. 

A final unexpected blow was the disappearance of the baptis- 
mal ceremonies on the Vigil of Pentecost. The positive aspect of 
all these reforms is again a pastoral one: the introduction of the 
Washing of Feet at the evening Mass on Maundy Thursday, the 
reappearance of the Chrism Mass, and the Renewal of Baptismal 
Vows during the Easter Vigil. We can thus conclude that the new 
Ordo Hebdomadae Sanctae brought some pastoral advantages, but 
at the price of modification of the most ancient and venerable cer- 
emonies of the Roman Catholic liturgy. 

Pius XII considered that the advantages outweighed the dis- 
advatages. We are by no means challenging his decision, but we 
would simply remind the reader that during this time the deviat- 
ed Liturgical Movement gained several victories. To quote Fr. 

Fr. Duploye followed this development with a passionate in- 
volvement and a clear understanding. I remember that much lat- 
er he said to me: "If we can succeed in restoring the Easter Vigil 
to its original importance, the Liturgical Movement will have 
won the day. I give it ten years." And ten years later it had hap- 
pened. 112 

The rubrics of the Missal and Breviary were not spared either. 
As had happened previously, "several local Ordinaries addressed 
insistent demands to the Holy See" and, continues Cardinal 
Cicognani, "the Supreme Pontiff, Pope Pius XII, in virtue of his 
pastoral care and solicitude, entrusted the examination of this 
matter to a special commission of experts, appointed to study a 

12 Chenu, Un theologien en liberie, pp. 92-3. 

The liturgical Reforms 77 

general restoration of the liturgy." 113 This resulted in the promul- 
gation by the Sacred Congregation of Rites, on March 23, 1955, 
of the decree Cum Hac Nostra Aetate. This reform led to a 
simplification of the rubrics, with the aim of making it easier for 
priests to recite the Breviary. Pope Pius XII having wished to 
lighten the task of saying the Divine Office, the "experts" once 
again guided the reform in the direction desired by the Liturgical 

As early as 1915 Dom Cabrol had judged the reform of St. 
Pius X inadequate, in that the sanctoral cycle was still given too 
privileged a position. Forty years later, Rome showed itself to be 
entirely of his opinion, reducing all the semi-double and simple 
feasts to commemorations and granting permission to say the fer- 
ial office of Lent or Passiontide instead of the office of a saint. 114 
The number of vigils was considerably diminished and the oc- 
taves were reduced to a minimum: only those of Christmas, Eas- 
ter and Pentecost were spared. The Breviary was shorn of all its 
Paters, Aves and Credos; the final antiphon of the Blessed Virgin 
was retained only at Compline; the rubrics for the Preces and 
Commemorations were simplified; and the Athanasian Creed, 
now especially of such great significance, was to be said only on 
Trinity Sunday. 

In concluding this brief study of the liturgical reforms of 
Pope Pius XII, it is our duty to remind the reader of their perfect 
orthodoxy, guaranteed by that of the Pope who promulgated 
them; but we must also recognize that, in retrospect, for the rea- 
sons given above, they constitute the first stages of the "auto-dem- 
olition" of the Roman liturgy. 

The Death of Pope Pius XII and the 

Beginning of the Pontificate of Pope John XXIII 

The news of the death of the Angelic Pastor was received with 
almost delirious joy by the deviated Liturgical Movement. Al- 

13 Sacred Congregation of Rites, Decree Cum Hac Nostra Aetate, March 3, 
1955, in Les heures du jour (Desclee, 1959), p.31. 

14 The "experts" made the following comment: "If a free choice can be made, 
and in order to remain in the spirit of this reform, it is better if one 
frequently chooses the ferial office." 

78 The Liturgical Movement 

though the reforms of Pius XII had given some satisfaction to the 
leaders of the Movement, the implacable orthodoxy that the Pope 
had maintained throughout had not been to their taste. New and 
more daring reforms were called for, and they needed a pope who 
understood the problem of ecumenism and who was a whole- 
hearted supporter of the Movement. This disappearance of Pius 
XII now gave them grounds for hope. But let us turn to Fr. Bouy- 
er and the aged Dom Lambert Beauduin: 

I was at Chevetogne, the new Amay, at the time, where I had 
been invited to preach a retreat to the monks. The death of Pius 
XII was announced without any warning. With a zeal that may 
seem over-hasty, and trusting in Italian radio, I seem to remem- 
ber that we even sang a panykhide for the repose of his soul a 
good twelve hours before his death. That evening, in the cell to 
which the aged Dom Lambert Beauduin had returned at the end 
of his earthly journey, we took part in one of those last conver- 
sations, which were broken by silences when exhaustion inter- 
vened, although it never hindered the flow of his thought. "If 
they elect Roncalli," he said "all will be saved. He will be capable 
of calling a Council and canonizing ecumenism..." Silence fell, 
then, with a return of his old mischievousness, he said with flash- 
ing eyes, "I believe we have a good chance. Most of the cardinals 
are not sure what to do. They are capable of voting for him." 115 

And Fr. Bouyer concludes: "He was to live long enough to greet in 
John XXIII the first realization of his unconquerable hopes." 

The reader will remember that Msgr. Roncalli and Dom 
Lambert Beauduin had been friends since 1924. An episode from 
their friendship will give us an indication of how well founded 
Dom Beauduin's hopes were. Fr. Bouyer writes: 

When Msgr. Roncalli suddenly became Nuncio in Paris, in 
a somewhat unexpected manner, 116 he [Dom Beauduin] went to 
visit him, not without wondering if Joseph, with a ring on his 
finger and clad in the purple, would recognize his humble broth- 
er. He was not left long in doubt. He had scarcely handed in his 
card when he heard from the anti-chamber the well-known 
voice: "Lamberto!... Come in! Come in!" A moment later he was 
enfolded in one of the warm embraces that were to become so 
famous. And before he knew what was happening, he heard the 

Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, pp. 1 80-8 1 . 

Msgr. Roncalli was Papal Nuncio in Paris from 1944 to 1953. 

The liturgical Reforms 79 

Nuncio say, "There! Sit down and tell us your adventures." A 
friendly shove made him step backwards and upwards, and he 
found himself seated on a particularly magnificent throne. His 
friend sat down on a chair opposite him, roaring with laughter, 
and Dom Beauduin began to tell him of his trials and tribula- 
tions with Rome.... Gradually he realized that he was holding 
forth from the heights of the papal throne, which compulsorily 
adorned the residence of every legate... At that time they had no 
idea that this farcical situation would later gain a symbolic 
meaning. 117 

Dom Beauduin was well acquainted with John XXIII. As ear- 
ly as 1958 he recognized that he would canonize ecumenism and 
call a Council, a Council that would be a synthesis of Dom Beau- 
duin's entire work, a synthesis of the "Ecumenical Movement" 
and the "Liturgical Movement." But the hour of the Council had 
not yet come, and first of all the new Pope wanted to complete the 
task of liturgical reform begun by his predecessor, and to extend 
its results to the whole liturgy. This was brought about by the 
motu proprio Rubricarum Instructum of July 25, 1960, which in- 
cluded the following passage: 

In 1956, when the preparatory studies for the general reform 
of the liturgy were in progress, Our Predecessor wished to hear 
the opinions of the bishops on the subject of a future reform of 
the Roman Breviary. After careful consideration of their replies, 
he decided that a general and systematic reform of the rubrics of 
the Breviary and Missal should be undertaken, and he entrusted 
this task to the special Commission of experts already appointed 
by him to study the general reform of the liturgy. Therefore, af- 
ter We had decreed, under the inspiration of God, that the Ec- 
umencial Council should be convoked, We frequently 
considered what should be done concerning this work begun by 
Our Predecessor. After long and mature examination, We have 
come to the decision that the more basic principles affecting the 
general liturgical restoration should be proposed to the Fathers 
of the forthcoming Ecumenical Council, but that the correction 
of the rubrics of the Breviary and Missal, already mentioned, 
should not be delayed any longer. 118 

Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, pp. 180-1 81. 

Motu Proprio Rubricarum Instructum, in Liturgie, nos.89 1-892. 

80 The Liturgical Movement 

This liturgical reform came into force on January 1, 1961. 
Fundamentally, it consists of nothing more than the extension to 
the entire liturgy of the rubrics that had been given a "trial run" in 
1955 and 1956 by the periti of the Commission for the Reform of 
the Liturgy, and, as such, deserves the same judgment as that giv- 
en to the reforms of Pius XII. The principal victim of this 
over-hasty reform, however, was the Breviary. Pope John XXIII 
was well aware of this, since he made the following rather naive 

In addition We paternally exhort all who are bound to the reci- 
tation of the Divine Office to do this in such a manner that the 
omissions in the Divine Office caused by its abbreviation are 
compensated for by an increased diligence and devotion in its 
recital. As in places the readings from the Holy Fathers have also 
been somewhat curtailed, We strongly urge all the clergy to keep 
in their hands, for careful reading and meditation, the volumes 
of the Fathers, which are filled with such wisdom and piety. 119 

The reform of I960 is thus to a certain extent a synthesis of 
the preconciliar reforms. Despite the painful omissions and the 
notorious blunders, the Catholic liturgy remained essentially un- 
changed. The great error of John XXIII was to entrust to the 
Council the recasting of fundamental liturgical principles. From 
that moment, the reforms were totally inspired by a new concep- 
tion of the liturgy. It is true that this conception was already 
"rumbling" in the preconciliar reforms, but it was mastered and 
held in check by the vigilant orthodoxy of Pius XII. 

The Growing Uneasiness of 

The Faithful in Face of These Changes 

Today, all these preconciliar reforms seem to have been large- 
ly superseded; much more drastic changes have since utterly over- 
thrown the liturgy. Despite this, however, one should not forget 
that even these early reforms caused a considerable amount of 
confusion among the faithful. A witness of this is the little book 
by Fr. Roguet, On nous change la religion (they're changing our 
religion). 120 This book expresses the uneasiness of Catholics in the 

19 Ibid. 

The liturgical Reforms 8 1 

years 1958-60 when faced with the liturgical changes. The faith- 
ful clearly felt that behind these details of ritual there lay the in- 
tention of the reformers — though not of the Pope — to change the 
entire religious behavior of Catholics, and even their faith. 
Fr. Roguet makes no secret of this disquiet. 

Our gestures and our apparently most insignificant liturgical 
actions manifest and nourish our faith. Our manner of assisting 
at Mass and whether we receive the Eucharist in one way or an- 
other are not therefore matters of indifference. These modes of 
behavior involve and at the same time form our faith. Changes 
in the times of Mass and the Divine Office, in the rules for re- 
ceiving Communion, or in the arrangement of the altar can thus 
have far-reaching consequences. Those who complain that they 
are changing our religion are deeply aware of this. 121 

To end this section, let us again quote Fr. Roguet. This pas- 
sage is the conclusion of his book, and contains the complete pro- 
gram of the neo-liturgists: to make us return to a primitive 
Church, which they envisage in a very Protestant manner by de- 
nying fifteen centuries of the Church's life. His final sentence al- 
ready predicts the excommunication in practice of Catholics who 
remain faithful to tradition. The author writes: 

They are changing our religion. Not at all. It is simply a mat- 
ter of liberating our religion from habits which, although an- 
cient, are not necessarily venerable. It is a matter of returning to 
the fountainhead of the Gospel. Here is true childhood. If we do 
not know how to return to it, we shall not enter the kingdom of 
heaven. 12 

Thus, by I960, the deviated Liturgical Movement had al- 
ready won many battles, but had not yet won the war. Its leaders, 
with friends in high places, had taken advantage of the pastoral 
concern of the popes in order to shake the ancient stability of the 
Catholic liturgy, and subtly to introduce their new liturgical con- 
cepts throughout the rites. Pope John XXIII had announced the 
meeting of an Ecumenical Council which would discuss, among 
other things, the principles of liturgical reform. This Council 

10 Aimon-Marie Roguet, O.P., On nous change la religion, Collection " Tout le 

monde en parle" (Cerf, 1959). 
121 Ibid., p.8. 
,22 /^.,p.l23. 

82 The Liturgical Movement 

would truly be, in the words of Cardinal Suenens, "the year 1789 
in the Church." 

Chapter 7 
The Final Battle 

On the news of the death of Pius XII, the aged Dom Lambert 
Beauduin confided to Fr. Bouyer: "If they were to elect Roncalli 
all would be saved. He would be capable of summoning a Council 
to consecrate ecumenism." 123 To consecrate ecumenism, yes, in- 
deed, but also to consecrate the Liturgical Movement, such would 
be the task of the long-awaited Council. For more than forty years 
the new liturgists had been spreading their errors, they had suc- 
ceeded in influencing a considerable portion of the Catholic hier- 
archy, and they had won some encouraging reforms from the 
Holy See. All this patient underground work was about to bear 
fruit. The liturgical revolutionaries took advantage of the Consti- 
tution on the Liturgy to get their ideas accepted. Then, when they 
were appointed members of the Consilium, they only had to draw 
the extreme conclusions from the principles of Vatican II. 

In order to complete this study of the Liturgical Movement, 
it therefore remains for us to trace in broad outline the stages in 
the final assault of the revolutionaries on the Catholic liturgy. Fi- 
nally, we will show that the Conciliar liturgy, promulgated by 
Pope Paul VI, is only the inevitable conclusion, the expression, 
and the synthesis of all the deviations of the Liturgical Movement. 

The Last Preparations Before the Assault 

Everybody knew since 1960 the plans of John XXIII for the 
liturgy: "We have reached the decision that the fundamental 
principles concerning the reform of the liturgy should be present- 
ed to the Fathers of the forthcoming Council." 124 Thus, the Pope 
was not going to be content with reforming details, but aimed at 
a fundamental reform the discussion of whose principles was to 
be entrusted to the Fathers of the Council. 

Bouyer, Dom Lambert Beauduin, pp. 180-1 81. 

Decree Rubricarum Instructum, July 25, 1960, Liturgie, nos.89 1-892. 

84 The Liturgical Movement 

It was therefore necessary to act quickly and put to full use 
the few months which remained before the opening of the Coun- 
cil. The scope of this study is too limited for us to recall more than 
one example of the increased activity of the reformers. We will 
take as our typical new liturgist Dom Adrien Nocent, a Benedic- 
tine monk of Maredsous, born in 1913. In 1961 this former pupil 
of the Parisian Superior Liturgical Institute was appointed Profes- 
sor at the St. Anselm Pontifical Institute of Liturgy in Rome. It 
was in this venerable Benedictine university founded by Leo XIII, 
where Dom Beauduin had also taught, that Dom Nocent pre- 
pared for the Council. His book, The Future of the Liturgy, pub- 
lished in the same year, 1961 , with the imprimatur of Msgr. Suen- 
ens, will enable us to judge the state of mind of the new liturgists 
on the eve of Vatican II. 

To begin with, here is an extract from the introduction, 
where we find a caricature of the true faithful, then a most chari- 
table description of the progressive Catholic, and finally the exact 
course of the middle way that the Council was to take as a step 
towards further reforms. But let the author speak for himself: 

One should not, however, imagine that all Catholics are 
waiting in vibrant hope for a Council which will study the ques- 
tion posed by liturgical life in the Church of our time. There are 
still people, and indeed more of them than one would believe 
possible, who ask what reason there is for changing practices 
which are already old and firmly anchored in their ancient cus- 
toms. There is a fierce opposition among them to anything that 
might disturb a religion which they have worn into their own 
shape and which gives them an obsessive contentment, just as 
one feels lazily relaxed in an old suit or a pair of well worn shoes. 
Why disturb practices with which they are comfortable and 
from which they believe they get real spiritual benefit? 

The opposite of this immovability is another attitude, too 
impatient and sometimes unenlightened, which celebrates in ad- 
vance, every "iconoclasm" and every burning of old idols. It con- 
fuses lazy routine with true legitimate tradition and loves change 
for its own sake as the supreme manifestation of vitality. How- 
ever, its violence sometimes has to be excused and explained by 
a tormenting pastoral anguish.... 

Parallel to the ecumenical problems, we know that there is 
included in the agenda for the forthcoming Council a revision 
of the liturgy and study groups have already gone to work. It 

The Final Battle 85 

would, however, be courting disillusionment to expect 
ready-made solutions and a complete recasting. Just as much as 
passing firm resolutions, the role of the Council will be to give 
an impetus to such-and-such a trend in such-and-such a search 
for adaptation, or to block another tendency which may be le- 
gitimate but is judged inopportune. 125 

The reader will have to forgive this over-long quotation, but 
it is so revealing that we could not leave it out. Two years before, 
Dom Nocent was disclosing the plan of the revolutionaries: the 
"traditionalist" opposition was still too strong at that time for an 
immediate upheaval in the liturgy to be thinkable and, to start 
with, it was necessary to be content with principles of reform ac- 
ceptable to the "traditionalist" persuasion in order later to entrust 
the application of those principles to representatives of the "pro- 
gressive" persuasion. Adrian Nocent well knew that the Council 
could not accept straightaway a new liturgy of the Mass, but he 
also knew that this new liturgy — on which he had been work- 
ing — would be promulgated later in the name of the Council, 
which is why the whole of the rest of his book is about the liturgy 
of the future. 

Let us pause a moment with the "Mass of Adrien Nocent" so 
that the reader may appreciate that in 1961 the new Mass had 
already been conceived: it was most inopportune in 1 963, but was 
promulgated in 1969. 

The St. Anselm professor reaffirms to begin with the funda- 
mental principle of the new rite: "A great variety of celebrations 
would thus be permitted around the central nucleus which would 
always be respected and would be celebrated on its own on ferial 
days." The altars should be facing the people, without a cloth ex- 
cept during celebrations, the preparatory prayers should be sim- 
plified, the readings increased, and the "universal prayer" re- 
stored. The Offertory, after the Creed recited only on Sundays, is 
very abbreviated. The celebrant merely raises the oblations in si- 
lence. The chalice is put on the right of the host, the pall is op- 
tional and the incensing rapid. The Lavabo only takes place if the 
celebrant has dirty hands, since "one should avoid this facile sym- 
bolism which is of no great interest." The paten remains on the 

12S Adrian Nocent, Avenir de la liturgie (Editions Universitaires, 1961). 

86 The Liturgical Movement 

altar, the Orate Fratres is recited aloud and the Secret in a loud 
voice. The Canon is stripped of all prayers of intercession and all 
the Per Christum Dominum nostrums, there are fewer signs of the 
Cross and genuflections, the Canon is recited aloud and even in 
the vernacular, the Pater Noster is recited by all and at the Agnus 
Dei everyone shakes hands while the fraction of the Host takes 
place. The fraction of all the hosts takes place after the breaking of 
the loaf of ordinary bread, communion is under both kinds, taken 
standing and in the hand. Then come the blessing and he Missa 
est, no more last gospel, and no prayers of Leo XIII. Our reformer 
goes on to review all the sacraments and proposes reforms of them 
as well, which it would take too long to repeat here, but which are 
substantially the reformed sacraments of the Conciliar Church. 126 
Thus, in 1961, Adrien Nocent knew very precisely the plan 
of the Conciliar revolution. "To block the path of such and such a 
tendency, which is perhaps legitimate but judged inopportune" — 
in other words the Council was going to make a schema which 
would open the door to innovators and seem to close it to ul- 
tra-reformers, but only for a time. The plan would unfold thus: 
moderate reforming tendency (1964), progressively becoming 
more pronounced (1967) in order to give place eventually to the 
"ultra-reformers" (1969). 

The Revolutionary Storm 

Of all the preparatory schemas of the Council, the only one 
not to be rejected was that on liturgy. In fact, the progressive 
wing could not be other than satisfied with a text whose 
principal author was Fr. Bugnini, CM., Secretary of the Prepara- 
tory Commission on the Liturgy. Let us give the names of some 
members of this Commission: Abbot Bernard Capelle, O.S.B., 
Dom Bernard Botte (who was seventy years of age in 1963), Can- 
on A.-G. Martimort, Fr. Anton Hanggi (Bishop of Basel in 1978, 
but then a professor at Fribourg in Switzerland), Fr. Pierre-Marie 
Gy, O.P, Fr. Pierre Jounel. The President of this Commission was 
the elderly Cardinal Gaetano Cicognani, who opposed this sche- 
ma, which he regarded as very dangerous, with all his strength. In 

For the details of the "Mass of Adrien Nocent," see ibid., pp.1 19-171. 

The Final Battle 87 

order to be presented in the Council chamber, the draft schema 
had to bear the signature of the Cardinal. John XXIII obliged him 
to sign it. "Later," wrote Fr.Wiltgen, "an expert of the preconciliar 
Commission on the liturgy stated that the old Cardinal was on 
the verge of tears and waved the document, saying: 'They want 
me to sign this and I don't know what to do!' Then he put the text 
on his desk, took a pen and signed. Four days later he was 
dead." 127 

It was October 22, 1962, when the draft schema was pre- 
sented before the Council, and it was December 4, 1963, when 
the new Pope Paul VI 128 promulgated the constitution Sacrosanc- 
tum Concilium. It had been approved by 2,151 votes to 4. 

For a detailed study of this constitution, we refer our readers 
to the works of Pierre Tilloy 129 and Jean Vaquie, 130 contenting 
ourselves here with a summary of their thoughts. 

The Characteristics of this Constitution 

1) It is an outline law, that is to say it lays down only the main 
features of a liturgical doctrine which will inspire the Consilium 
and the national and diocesan Commissions to work out the new 
liturgy (§§44-45). 

2) It inaugurates a fundamental transformation of the litur- 
gy; in particular it announces the revision of the ritual of the Mass 
(§50), a new rite of concelebration (§58), the revision of the rites 
of Baptism (§66), of Confirmation (§71), of Penance (§72), of 
Ordination (§76), of Marriage (§77), of the Sacramentals (§79), 

3) It constitutes a compromise between traditionalism and 
progressivism, which it seeks to balance against each other. To sat- 
isfy the traditionalist majority without firm convictions, it pays 
lip service to the fundamental principles of the liturgy, but with- 

127 Ralph Wiltgen, S.V.D., The Rhine Flows into the Tiber (Ed. du Cedre, 

128 John XXIII died on June 3, 1963, at 7:49pm. 

129 De rheresie anti-liturgique de nos jours. Unpublished paper of May 1965. To 
the best of our knowledge, the first and most lucid reaction to the conciliar 

130 Vaquie, La revolution liturgique, 1971. 

88 The Liturgical Movement 

out any practical application. For the active progressivist minori- 
ty, there is an assurance of further evolution in a progressivist 
direction. This applies especially to the all-important questions of 
the relation between worship and teaching in the liturgy (§33) 
and the use of Latin (§36, 54, 101). 

"An outline law inaugurating a fundamental transformation 
and inspired by two contradictory doctrines, this is how the litur- 
gical constitution of December 4, 1963, presents itself," writes M. 
Vaquie. 131 Thus, the wish expressed by John XXIII in I960 132 was 
realized in that the Fathers of the Council had pronounced on 
"the fundamental principles concerning liturgical reform." The 
liturgical revolution was virtually accomplished, the constituent 
principles of the liturgy were achieved, and the new liturgy result- 
ing from the constitution was going to be didactic, evolutionary, 
democratic, 2.ndjree. It only remained to see this reform through; 
Pope Paul VI was going to devote all his energies against the tradi- 
tionalist wing in the interpretation of the constitution. Accepted 
by a sizable majority of bishops who were faithful but lacking in 
convictions, or a least in liturgical knowledge, the conciliar Con- 
stitution on the Liturgy was to serve for the destruction of the 
Catholic liturgy. But let us see the stages in the agony. 

The Machine Is Set in Motion 

and Arrives at the Novus Ordo Missae 

On the January 25, 1964, Pope Paul VI, by the motu proprio 
Sacram Liturgiam, put into immediate effect certain provisions of 
the constitution and announced the creation of a special com- 
mission charged with bringing it into operation. On February 29, 
1964, the Pope created the Consilium ad Exsequendam Constitu- 
tionem de Sacra Liturgia (Committee for Implementing the Con- 
stitution on the Sacred Liturgy). He gave the appointments in it 
to the most advanced elements in the Liturgical Movement, in 
particular the presidency to Cardinal Lercaro and the secretary- 
ship to Fr. Bugnini. 133 The Consilium can be compared quite 
closely to the Committee of Public Safety in the French Revolu- 

Ibid., p.39. 

Decree Rubricarum Instructum. 

The Final Battle 89 

tion; it was to function until 1969 as a veritable special court, 
stripping the Sacred Congregation of Rites of nearly all it powers. 
Pope Paul VI intervened personally on October 20, 1 964, and 
January 7> 1965, to support the Consilium when it was in conflict 
with the Roman Congregation. 

Let Dom Botte explain the organization of the Consilium: 

The Council was made up of two different groups. There 
were, to start with, forty members properly so-called — mostly 
cardinals or bishops — who had voting rights. Then there were 
the group of experts much more numerous charged with the 
preparatory work. Most of the sessions were held in the large, 
ground floor chamber of the Palazzo Santa Marta behind St. Pe- 
ter's Basilica. 134 

Several experts were grouped together to work under the di- 
rection of a relator. Dom Botte was responsible for the revision of 
the first volume of the Pontifical and it is to him, at least in large 
part, that we owe the disappearance of the Minor Orders as well 
as the new ritual of Ordination and the new rite of Confirma- 
tion. 1 " 

Msgr. Wagner, director of the Liturgical Institute of Treves, 
was the relator of the group responsible for the reform of the 
Mass, whose most active members were the following: Prof. Bal- 
thasar Fischer, Msgr. Theodor Schnitzler, Fr. Joseph Andreas 
Jungmann, S.J., Fr. Louis Bouyer, Fr. Gy, Dom CiprianoVagaggi- 
ni, O.S.B Carnal., and Dom Botte. 

On September 26, 1964, the Consilium authorized the op- 
tional use of the vernacular in all the rites except the Preface and 
the Canon of the Mass; the psalm Judica me and the prayers after 
the Mass disappeared, numerous rubrics of the Mass were modi- 
fied, and finally, for the first time, powers over the liturgy were 
entrusted to Episcopal Conferences. The decree came into force 
on March 7, 1965. The revolution became even more radical on 

*" Fr. Bugnini declared in L'Osservatore Romano of March 19, 1965, that "The 
prayer of the Church should not be a cause of spiritual discomfort for 
anyone," and that it was necessary "to push aside any stone that could 
constitute even a shadow of a risk of stumbling or of displeasure for our 
separated brethren." 

lM Dom Botte, Le moiwement liturgique* p. 156. 

m Itid., ppM5-im. 

90 The Liturgical Movement 

May 4, 1967, with the Instruction Tres Abhinc Annos, which au- 
thorized the recitation of the Canon of the Mass aloud and in the 

But that was not enough for the innovators because the Tri- 
dentine Mass, although mutilated and reformed, remained an ob- 
stacle to ecumenism or the universal Christianity which was so 
sought after. Cardinal Lercaro and Fr. Bugnini had not wasted 
their time since the Council; in three years they had succeeded in 
settling a new liturgy of the Mass, conforming in all respects with 
the desiderata of the "liturgico-ecumenical movement." The 
quintessence of the anti-liturgical heresy was about to be born. 
This new rite was baptized "Normative Mass," and it was present- 
ed to the bishops assembled in synod in Rome on October 24, 

Here is the account that the Courrier de Rome gave of the 

A first at the Sistine Chapel: we refer to the Normative Mass 
produced in the studios of the Lercaro-Bugnini Commission. 
With thoughtful care the producers had insisted, before putting 
their invention to the vote of the Synod, upon putting on a gen- 
eral demonstration before the members. It had to be "tested." 
Before filming, it had been explained to the 183 prelates that 
they were to imagine themselves playing the part of parishioners 
attending the active, lucid, community-based, and simplified 
new Mass. Six seminarians were to form the schola cantorum, a 
lector would read the two lessons plus an extra one, and Fr. An- 
nibale Bugnini would dedicate himself in person to celebrating 
the Mass and pronouncing the homily. 

This "Normative Mass" was to be called upon to replace the 
one that St. Gregory the Great, St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Philip 
Neri, Bossuet, and the Cure of Ars celebrated without ever sus- 
pecting that they were celebrating a Mass that was passive, 
thoughtless, individualist, and complicated. 

The Normative Mass suppresses the Kyrie, the Gloria, and 
the Offertory. It pulverizes the Confiteor. It skates over the 
intercession of the saints, the calling to mind of the souls in 
purgatory, and everything which expresses the personal oblation 
of the human priest. It offers four interchangeable Canons. It 
adjusts the words of the Consecration. And, of course, it replaces 
Latin with the national language. 

The Final Battle 9 1 

In order to relieve any doubt in the minds of our readers, we 
should make it clear that this "experimental" Mass claimed to be 
a real Mass, a true Sacrifice with the Real Presence of the Holy 
Victim of Calvary. 1 36 

The bishops rejected this Mass by their vote of October 27. 
To the question: "Does the general structure of the Mass known 
as normative, as described in the report and the response, have the 
approval of the Fathers?" The replies were: placet (affirmative), 71; 
non placet (negative), 43; placet juxta modum (affirmative with 
reservations), 62; abstentions: 4. 137 

The comparative failure of the Missa Normativa did not dis- 
courage the Consilium. 138 The Pope was to bring his authority 
into the reckoning. In fact, on April 3, 1969, Paul VI proclaimed 
the apostolic constitution Missale Romanum by which he re- 
formed the Rite of the Mass and forcibly introduced the Missa 
Normativa almost unamended. On April 6, the Sacred Congrega- 
tion of Rites promulgated the New Order of Mass {Novus Ordo 
Missae), with its Institutio Generalise the new Missal was to come 
into force on November 30, 1969. 

Now that the Consilium had brought the liturgical revolu- 
tion to fruition it could disappear. On May 8, 1969, Pope Paul 
VI, by the apostolic constitution Sacra Rituum Congregatio, sub- 
stituted for the old Congregation of Rites two new congregations, 
one entitled "for the causes of Saints" and the other "for divine 
worship," this latter inheriting some powers from the former di- 
castery and absorbing the Consilium. The Prefect of the Congre- 
gation for Divine Worship was Cardinal Gut and the Secretary 
was Annibale Bugnini. 

Thank goodness, the reformers had gone a little too far and 
too fast, and this brought a salutary traditionalist reaction. Even- 
tually realizing where they were being led, faithful Catholics 
reacted. On September 3, 1969, Cardinals Ottaviani and Bacci 
wrote their famous open letter to Pope Paul VI, presenting the 
Pope with the Brief Critical Examination of the Novus Ordo Missae. 

136 Le Counter de Rome, November 1, 1967. 

137 Cf. Documentation Catbolique, 1967, cols. 2077-2078. 

138 For a mysterious reason, Cardinal Lercaro was then replaced by Cardinal 
Beno Gut, who in the words of Dom Botte "was no bright spark" — netait 
pas une lumiere (sic). 

92 The Liturgical Movement 

From that date the Catholic resistance was to become what we 
know about, thanks above all to the firmness and intrepid zeal of 
His Excellency Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre. 

Unmasked by this open letter, Fr. Bugnini announced, on 
November 18, a new edition of the Institutio Generalis, "for a bet- 
ter pastoral and catechetical understanding," a new edition which 
is still as bad as the first 139 and leaves unchanged the rite itself. For 
his part, Pope Paul VI tried on November 19 and 26 to reassure 
the faithful. Already on October 20, the Congregation for Divine 
Worship had published the Instruction De Constitutione Missale 
Romanum Gradatim ad Effectum Deducenda, by which the 
introduction of the New Order of Mass was postponed to No- 
vember 28, 1971, and latitude was allowed to episcopal confer- 
ences to fix a later date. We know that several European bishops' 
conferences profited from this occasion to forbid the traditional 
Mass. And did not Paul VI declare the same thing at the Consis- 
tory of May 1976? 

When leaders reach the point of demanding the uncondi- 
tional submission of their subjects to their arbitrary will in the 
most flagrant contempt of the laws, this is because their con- 
science is not very easy, and also because they feel weak — weak, 
because they have been unmasked. But we must go on exposing 
them and sounding the alarm both in and out of season. 

,y) Cf. Itineraires, February 1978, Documents. 

General Conclusion 

Thus our study of the Liturgical Movement finishes with the 
promulgation of the Novus Ordo Missae. The New Mass is, in fact, 
like a synthesis of all the errors and deviations of this great current 
of ideas. Crushed by St. Pius X, the Modernists understood that 
they could not penetrate the Church by theology, that is, by a 
clear expose of their doctrines. They had recourse to the Marxist 
notion of praxis, having understood that the Church could be- 
come modernist through action, especially through the sacred ac- 
tion of the liturgy. Revolution always uses the living energies of 
the organism itself, taking control of them little by little and final- 
ly using them to destroy the body under attack. It is the well- 
known process of the Trojan horse. 

The Liturgical Movement of Dom Gueranger, of St. Pius X, 
and of the Belgian monasteries, in origin at any rate, was a consid- 
erable force in the Church, a prodigious means of spiritual rejuve- 
nation which, moreover, brought forth good fruits. The Liturgi- 
cal Movement was thus the ideal Trojan horse for the modernist 
revolution. It was easy for all the revolutionaries to hide them- 
selves in the belly of such a large carcass. Before Mediator Dei, 
who among the Catholic hierarchy was concerned about liturgy? 
What vigilance was applied to detecting this particularly subtle 
form of practical Modernism? 

Thus it was that from the 1920s onward, and particularly 
during and after the Second World War, the Liturgical Movement 
became the "main sewer of all the heresies." Dom Beauduin first 
of all favored in an exaggerated way the teaching and preaching 
aspect of the liturgy, and then conceived the idea of making it 
serve the "Ecumenical Movement" to which he was devoted body 
and soul. Dom Parsch tied the movement to Biblical renewal. 
Dom Casel made it the vehicle of a fanatical antiquarianism and 
of a completely personal conception of the "Christian mystery." 
These first revolutionaries were largely overtaken by the genera- 
tion of the new liturgists of the various preconciliar liturgical 

94 The Liturgical Movement 

After the Second World War the movement became a force 
that nothing could stop. Protected from on high by eminent pre- 
lates, the new liturgists took control little by little of the Commis- 
sion for Reform of the Liturgy founded by Pius XII, and influ- 
enced the reforms devised by this Commission at the end of the 
pontificate of Pius XII and at the beginning of that of John XXIII. 
Already masters, thanks to the Pope, of the preconciliar liturgical 
commission, the new liturgists got the Fathers of the Council to 
accept a self-contradictory and ambiguous document, the consti- 
tution S aero sanctum Concilium. Pope Paul VI, Cardinal Lercaro 
and Fr. Bugnini, themselves very active members of the Italian Li- 
turgical Movement, directed the efforts of the Consilium which 
culminated in the promulgation of the New Mass. 

This new rite carries on in its turn all the errors which have 
come forth since the beginning of the deviations of the "Move- 
ment." This rite is ecumenical, antiquarian, community-based, 
democratic, and almost totally desacralized; it also echoes the 
theological deviations of the modernists and the Protestants: ton- 
ing down the sense of the Real Presence and diminution of the 
ministerial role of the priesthood, of the sacrificial character of the 
Mass, and especially of its propitiatory character. The Eucharist 
becomes much more a communal love feast than the renewal of 
the Sacrifice of the Cross. 

By this new rite the modernists and revolutionaries of all 
kinds seek to transform the law of the faithful. Msgr. Dwyer ad- 
mitted as much in 1967: "The liturgical reform is in a very deep 
sense the key to the aggiornamento. Make no mistake, this is the 
starting point of the revolution."^ Already, in 1965, Pope Paul VI 
had not hidden his intentions from the faithful: 

Thus you can prove that you understand how the new method 
of religious instruction, which the present liturgical renewal is 
intended to install, takes its place as the central motor of the 
great movement established in the constitutional principles of 
the Church of God. 141 

41 Press Conference of Msgr. Dwyer, Archbishop of Birmingham, October 23, 

1967, Documentation Catholique, \967, col. 2072. 
41 Speech of January 13, 1965. 

General Conclusion 95 

This much is certain, therefore, that revolution and modernism 
have penetrated the City of God by way of the liturgy. The Litur- 
gical Movement has been the Trojan horse whereby the disciples 
of Loisy have occupied the Catholic Church. 

It is to be hoped that this study has given the reader a better 
understanding of the gravity of the liturgical revolution and the 
perversity of this new rite of Mass, the expression and the symbol 
of the anti-liturgical heresy of modern times. Let us hope especial- 
ly that we have strengthened our convictions: the Church is occu- 
pied. It is a matter of throwing out the adversary, reminding our- 
selves all the while that the strength of the wicked comes from the 
slackness of the good. Our unfailing attachment to the Roman 
and Catholic liturgy of all time and our complete faithfulness to 
the principles of the authors of the true Liturgical Movement, 
Dom Gueranger and St. Pius X, are the guarantee of victory. 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 


On April 10, 1970, when Pope Paul VI received the members 
of the Consilium for the last time, his picture was taken with the 
six Protestant observers who had been involved in rewriting the 
Catholic liturgy. This photograph illustrated the cover of La Doc- 
umentation Catholique on May 3rd. Even so, Protestant influence 
on the New Order of Mass was still being debated five years after 
its introduction. For instance, in 1976, an exchange of letters was 
published in La Libre Belgique between Consilium member Dom 
Botte and His Grace Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre. Dom Botte ve- 
hemently insisted that, despite the undeniable presence of Protes- 
tant "observers," there was no Protestant influence on the drafting 
of the new liturgy. 142 Archbishop Lefebvre refuted his claim out- 
right, citing statements of approbation made by Protestants as 
well as the famous intervention of Cardinals Ottaviani and Bac- 
ci. 143 Four years after this debate, a powerful testimony to the 
truth of Archbishop Lefebvre's assertions came into the author's 
possession. It was a document, the ritual used at Taize to celebrate 
the Eucharist in 1959. The document is reproduced here in its 
entirety with permission from the Taize Community. 144 The read- 
er will quickly see that this Protestant rite of 1959 prefigures the 
Novus Ordo Missae of 1969. Archbishop Lefebvre was right: the 

U1 Dom Bernard Botte, O.S.B., "La liturgie de Vatican II: Une mise au point," 

La Libre Belgique, August 25, 1976, and "Quelques precisions sur les prieres 

eucharistiques de Vatican II," September 15, 1976. 
1 3 Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, "Dans un nouveau droit de reponse, Mgr. 

Lefebvre nous ecrit: La Nouvelle Messe est d'esprit Protestant," La Libre 

Belgique, September 25, 1976. 
'"^ This text is included as an historical document to show the form of prayer 

that was in use at Taize in the 1950s and 1960s. It does not reflect the 

prayer of Taize as it is today. 

98 The Liturgical Movement 

Protestants collaborated actively — whether directly or indirectly 
matters little — in the reform of the Mass. 

For readers unfamiliar with it, a brief history of Taize is in- 
cluded in this English edition in addition to the Taize liturgy of 

A Brief History 

The Taize movement began as a project of Roger Louis 
Schultz-Marsauche, born in Switzerland in 1915, the son of a 
Lutheran minister, and now known to the English-speaking 
world as Roger Schultz or simply "Brother Roger." Schultz was 
active in the Swiss Student Christian Movement while a seminar- 
ian in Switzerland; there he studied monastic life and dreamed of 
establishing an "ecumenical" monastic community. Popular his- 
tory holds that Schultz left his native Switzerland after the occu- 
pation of northern France by German troops in 1940; the Ger- 
man invasion of France evidently awakened in him a desire to 
assist war refugees while pursuing his "monastic" aim. Thus, in 
August, 1940, Schultz moved to the small town of Taize, located 
between Lyons and Dijon in rural Burgundy, just south of the line 
dividing occupied from Vichy France. Most of the refugees 
Schultz received at Taize were those fleeing into Vichy France due 
to political hardship; many were Jews. When Germany invaded 
southern France in 1942, Schultz returned to Switzerland, fearing 
German retribution. In Geneva he was joined by Max Thurian, 
"theologian" of the Swiss Reformed Church, and Pierre Souveran, 
an agricultural engineer. The group returned to Taize in 1944, 
and by 1947 the first "brothers" took "life vows [of] celibacy, 
community of property, and acceptance of the authority of the 
community." 145 

According to a 1959 article in Theology Today, the small Taize 
community quickly became an active element of ecumenical, li- 
turgical, biblical, and evangelical movements in France. Their 
"twelfth-century church, built by Cluny monks, was restored 
along lines of liturgical reform." 1 Taize quickly established ties 

Malcolm Boyd, "The Taize Community," Theology Today, January 1959, 
vol.1 5, no. 4. The Taize website maintains that the first vows were taken on 
Easter, 1949. 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 99 

with ecumenical movements in French Catholic circles and with 
the World Council of Churches in Geneva. 

Meanwhile, the two co-founders, Schultz and Thurian, had 
as quickly become ecumenical icons in their own right. 

Schultz's personal achievement was Taize itself, from its out- 
set a non-confessional "parable of community" (as he called it) 
which emphasized life in common over questions of dogma: "In 
living a common life," he wrote, "have we any other end than to 
unify men committed to following Christ into a living sign of the 
unity of the Church?" 147 Just as the true Church of Jesus Christ is 
His Mystical Body incarnate in the world, so too would Taize be- 
come the ecumenical movement incarnate: "The ecumenical im- 
perative is fundamental to an understanding of Taize. Represent- 
ing various church traditions within itself, it is, in effect, a rather 
advanced incarnational witness of ecumenical endeavor." 1 8 

Max Thurian (1921-1996), a Reformed Church pastor born 
in Geneva, was known as the "theologian of Taize," and was for 
many years a member of the Faith and Order Commission of the 
World Council of Churches. Under its auspices he edited the in- 
fluential (in ecumenical circles) volume Ecumenical Perspectives on 
Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry, in conjunction with which was 
developed the infamous "Lima Liturgy" of 1982. 

For those in the Catholic hierarchy evidently intent on aban- 
doning the concept of ecumenism as renunciation of error and 
return to the Catholic fold, Taize, Schultz, and Thurian became 
living examples of the kind of Christian reconciliation allegedly 
possible. During one of several audiences with Schultz, Pope John 
XXIII responded to a reference to Taize by saying, "Ah, Taize, that 
little springtime!" In spite of the fact that Thurian personally 
asked Pope Pius XII not to define the Assumption, 1 9 both he and 
Schultz were invited to observe the Second Vatican Council, 
where, according to Schultz, they had numerous private meetings 
with the Council fathers, to "study the evolution of the texts, 

' Ibid. 

Quoted in "The Spirituality of Taize," by Bro. Patrick J. Burke, O.P., 

Spirituality Today (Autumn 1990), vol.42, no.3, pp.233-245. 

Malcolm Boyd, "The Taize Community," Theology Today, January 1959, 

vol.15, no. 4. 
1 Patrick Coffin, "On the Verge of a Dogma?" EWTN News, July 22, 1997. 

1 00 The Liturgical Movement 

write up notes, and give our point of view when asked." 130 It is 
well known that Thurian participated in the Consilium which re- 
vised the Roman rite; speaking of the Consilium's ecumenical 
fruit, he later declared, "It is now theologically possible for Protes- 
tants to use the same Mass as Catholics." 151 

Roman fascination with the Taize experiment was not, how- 
ever, reciprocated by a corresponding interest in the Roman reli- 
gion by the Taize founders. In 1975 Roger Schultz asked of 
Rome, "that a reconciliation come about without requiring non- 
Catholics to repudiate their origins. Even with truly... catholic com- 
munion in view, repudiation goes against love." 152 And Max Thu- 
rian expressed similar sentiments in 1976, asserting that "if a 
Protestant has the conviction that the Catholic Church, following 
the Second Vatican Council, rediscovered conformity with the 
apostolic Church, he can then consider himself to be a member of 
that Church without, however, renouncing his adherence to an- 
other ecclesial community." 153 

In spite of such indifferentism, the Holy Father deigned to 
grace Taize with his presence on October 5, 1986, effectively in- 
scribing his name on a long list of admiring visitors, including 
three Archbishops of Canterbury, Orthodox metropolitans, the 
fourteen Lutheran bishops of Sweden, and countless pastors from 
all over the world. 154 Thurian received Holy Orders in a semi-se- 
cret ceremony conducted by the former Archbishop of Naples, 
Cardinal Ursi, 155 and was even later invited by John Paul II to join 
the International Theological Commission, and yet, according to 
the Taize community "no abjuration of [his] Protestant religion 
took placet!]" 156 

It is even admitted by some Catholics that the change in 
Rome's attitude towards ecumenism was directly inspired by the 

1 J.L. Gonzalez-Balado, Le defi de Taize (Editions du Seuil, 1977), p. 13, 

quoted in SiSiNoNo, no. 1 1, December 1994. 

LaCroix, May 30, 1969. 
: Ibid. 
\ Ibid. 

1 According to the Taize website ( 
' Reported in Le Monde, May 12, 1988. The ordination was performed on 

May 3, 1987. 
' "Max Thurian, pretre catholique. . .et toujours pasteur Protestant," Present, 

May 19, 1988 (quoted in SiSiNoNo, no.l 1, December 1994). 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 101 

work of the Faith and Order Commission of the World Council 
of Churches, through which Thurian accomplished so much of 
his ecumenical work in the 1980's: 

...the Roman Catholic church changed her understanding of 

what we now call the ecumenical enterprise Let me say that 

this huge change of Roman Catholic mentality is certainly in 
great part due to the high quality of the work done by the World 
Council of Churches, and especially Faith and Order. 137 

Such a change of mentality was no doubt welcomed by the 
Taize founders, and in some fashion accepted by Pope John Paul 
II. Thurian once suggested that "unity today in the churches ex- 
ists as we renounce all our divisive ways, only holding to the fun- 
damental faith which saves and joins us." 158 In 1986 the Pope 
congratulated the members of the Taize community for "desiring 
to be [them] selves a parable of community,' [that] will help all 
whom [they] meet to be faithful to their denominational ties, the 
fruit of their education and their choice in conscience." 

After the death of John XXIII, his brother, Giuseppe Roncal- 
li, visited Taize. During his visit, Roncalli remarked to his grand- 
son, "It was my brother the Pope who began what will come out 
of Taize." 

157 J. M.-R. Tillard, O.P., "Rome and Ecumenism," a paper prepared for a Faith 
and Order consultation with Younger Theologians held at Turku, Finland, 
3-11 August 1995. 

158 La Croix, January 26, 1984. 

102 The Liturgical Movement 

The Eucharistic Liturgy of Taize [in 1959] 159 

Sundays and Festivals 


P: Prior (or his deputy) 
C: Celebrant 
D: Deacon 
SD: Sub-deacon 

L: Lector 
Ca: Cantor 

W: The whole community 
V and R: Two parts of the community alternating 


(Introit of the day, psalm, and antiphon) 


C: In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
Ghost. Amen. 
Our help is in the Name of the Lord. 
W: Who hath made heaven and earth. 160 


C: I confess to God Almighty in the communion of the saints of 
heaven and of the earth, and to you my brethren, that I have 
sinned exceedingly in thought, word, and deed: through my 
fault, my own fault, my own great fault; wherefore I beseech 
you, my brethren, in the communion of the saints of heaven 
and of the earth, to pray for me to the Lord our God. 

W: May the Almighty God have mercy upon thee, forgive thee 
thy sins, and bring thee to everlasting life. 

C: Amen. 

W: I confess ... 

C: May the Almighty God have mercy upon you, forgive you 
your sins, and bring you to everlasting life. 

W: Amen. 

' All rights reserved by the Taize Community. 

' On the First Sunday in Advent and the First Sunday in Lent the Ten 
Commandments (Exod. 20: 1-17) may be recited here. 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 103 


W: Lord, have mercy. 
Christ, have mercy. 
Lord, have mercy. 


C: May each one of you acknowledge himself to be indeed a 
humbling himself before God, 
and believe that it is the Father's will to have mercy upon 

him in Jesus Christ; 
to all who thus repent 
and seek Jesus Christ for their salvation, 
I declare the absolution of their sin 

►B in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
Ghost. Amen. 

{The Gloria is then sung) 161 

{On certain solemn festivals, as during the seasons of Christmas 
and Easter, the liturgy may be as follows) 



C: Blessed be the Kingdom of the Father and of the Son and of 
the Holy Ghost, now and for evermore, world without end. 

Litany of the Kyrie 

(Before saying... "let us pray to the Lord, " the deacon may add 
particular intentions) 

D: In peace let us pray to the Lord ... 

For the peace that is from above and for the salvation of our 

let us pray to the Lord, 

Except in Advent and Lent when the Collect follows immediately. 

1 04 The Liturgical Movement 

W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy). 
D: For the peace of the whole world, the life of the 
Churches and their unity, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy). 

D: That we may celebrate the liturgy in the house of God 
with faith, fervor and obedience, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy). 

D: For the ministers of the Church and the whole company 
of faithful people, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Christe eleison (Christ, have mercy). 
D: For the governments of the nations, that they may ever be 
mindful of social justice and of the unity of mankind, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Christe eleison (Christ, have mercy). 

D: For our community, our village (city), and our country, 
that the faith may there be renewed, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Christe eleison (Christ, have mercy). 
D: For fair weather, abundant harvests and peaceful times, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy). 

D: For all who travel and are in danger, the sick, the afflicted, the 
prisoners, and that they all may be delivered, 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy) . 
D: That we may be freed from all tribulation, danger and 

let us pray to the Lord, 
W: Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy). 
( The Gloria is then sung) 

(Or the invocation, confession and absolution could be said at the 

entrance to the church; and the Introit sung in procession to the 

choir, followed by the litany and Gloria) 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 105 


{Sung in chorus or antiphonally) 

Glory be to God in highest heaven, 

And on earth peace to men, 

We praise Thee, 

We bless Thee, 

We worship Thee, 

We glorify Thee, 

We give thanks to Thee for Thy great glory 

O Lord God, Heavenly King, God the Father Almighty 

O Lord, the only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, 

O Lord God, Lamb of God, Son of the Father, 

Thou that takest away the sin of the world, 

have mercy upon us; 

Thou that takest away the sin of the world, 

receive our prayer; 

Thou that sittest at the right hand of the Father, 

have mercy upon us. 

For Thou only art holy, 

Thou only art the Lord, 

Thou only, O Christ, 

With the Holy Ghost, art most high in the glory of God the 



D: The Lord be with you. 

W: And with thy spirit. 

D: Let us pray (silence, followed by the Collect of the day). 

W: Amen. 

Old Testament Lesson 

SD or L: Come, Holy Spirit of truth; lead us into all truth. 

Old Testament Lesson from the book of... or the Prophecy 

(The reading of the day ending with c 'Thanks be to God" I) 

1 06 The Liturgical Movement 

Hymn of Meditation 

(The Gradual of the day 161 sung responsorially) 


W: {repetition oftheantiphon) 

Ca: (verse) 

W: (repetition of the antiphon) 


SD: Lord, sanctify us in the truth: Thy Word is truth.... 

Epistle of St to .... 

or Lesson from the Acts of the Apostles. 

or Lesson from the Revelation. 
( The reading of the day ending with, "Glory be to Thee, O Lord'l) 


(The Alleluia of the day sung responsorially) 
Ca: Alleluia. 
W: Alleluia. 
Ca: (verse) 
W: Alleluia. 

(Or Tract of the day 163 sung by a cantor) 


D: Cleanse my heart and my lips, O God Almighty, 

who didst touch with a burning coal the lips of the 

prophet Isaiah; 
in Thy gracious mercy sanctify me, 
that I may faithfully proclaim Thy holy Gospel, 

through Christ our Lord, Amen. 
My brother, give me the blessing of the Lord. 

P: The Lord be in thy heart and on thy lips, that thou mayest 
joyfully proclaim His Gospel. 

D: Amen. 

1 ,2 In Eastertide: First Alleluia. 

163 Septuagesima, Lent and Passiontide. 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 107 

D: Let us hear the Wisdom of Christ! 
The Gospel according to St.... 

( The reading of the day, ending with, 
"Praise be to Thee, O Christ\") 

Hymn after the Gospel 

Sermon Silence Hymn 


The Apostles' Creed or the Nicene Creed 

C: Let us join together in brotherly love, 

and with one heart and mind confess 

the faith of the universal Church. 
W: I believe in one God, 

the Father Almighty, 

Maker of heaven and earth, 

and of all things visible and invisible. 
I believe in one Lord, Jesus Christ, 

the only-begotten Son of God, begotten of His Father 

before all worlds: 
God of God, Light of Light, 

very God of very God, 

begotten not made, being of one substance with the 

Father, by whom all things were made. 
Who for us men and for our salvation 

came down from Heaven; 

and was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary, 

and was made man; 

and was crucified also for us under Pontius Pilate; 

He suffered His passion and was placed in the tomb; 

the third day He rose again, according to the Scriptures; and 

ascended into Heaven and sitteth on the right hand of the 


and He shall come again with glory to judge the living and 

the dead, 

whose Kingdom shall have no end. 

I believe in the Holy Ghost, 

The Lord and giver of life, who proceedeth from the 

108 The Liturgical Movement 

Father and the Son, who with the Father and the Son 

together is worshipped and glorified; 

who spake by the Prophets. 

I believe in one holy, catholic, and apostolic Church. 

I acknowledge one baptism for the remission of sins. 

And I look for the resurrection of the dead and the life of 

the world to come. 



C: Let us intercede before God. 
D: Most merciful Father, 

we beseech Thee to accept our prayers and intercessions 
through Jesus Christ, 

Thy Son, our Lord. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of the Church 

D: We offer first our prayers for Thy holy, universal Church; 

be pleased throughout the world to grant her peace, to 

guard, unite and govern her; 

we pray Thee also for all who are set in authority over her ... 

and for all who, faithful to true doctrine, keep the Christian, 
apostolic faith. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of the Living 

D: Remember, O Lord, 

Thy servants and Thy handmaidens, 

and all who are round about us, 

whose faith Thou knowest, whose devotion Thou hast 

this sacrifice of praise with them we offer unto Thee, 

the eternal, living and true God, 

and we address to Thee our prayers for all men... 

for the redemption of their lives, 

and for their hope of liberation and of peace. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 109 

Memorial of the Saints 

D: United in one communion ... 

{interpolation proper to certain festivals and their octave. . . ) 
we commemorate before Thee the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
Mother of our God and Lord Jesus Christ, moreover we 
commemorate Saint John the Baptist, the Forerunner, 
(and) Thy blessed Apostles and Martyrs Peter and Paul, 
Andrew, James, John, Thomas, James, Philip, 
Bartholomew, Matthew, Simon and Jude, Stephen, Matthias 
and Barnabas, and all the Saints; 
united with their faith, their lives and their prayer, we 
beseech Thee to grant unto us at all times the help of Thy 
strength and of Thy protection. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of the Dead 

D: We also commemorate, O Lord, 

Thy servants and Thy handmaidens, who have gone before 

us with the sign of faith, 

and are at peace .... 

To all who rest in Christ, Thou grantest, Lord, 

the place of refreshment, light and peace. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of Sinners 

D: To us sinners also, Thy servants, 

who put our trust in Thine infinite mercy, 

grant a place in the community 

of Thy holy Apostles and Martyrs and of all the Saints; 

into whose company admit us, 

not weighing our merit, 

but amply pardoning us. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of Unity 

D: As the bread which shall be broken, 
was once scattered on the mountains, 
and being gathered together became one, 

110 The Liturgical Movement 

so gather Thy Church together, 
from the ends of the earth into Thy Kingdom. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Free Prayers 

...through our High Priest, Jesus Christ. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Memorial of the Kingdom 

D: Come, Holy Spirit of charity 

fill the hearts of Thy faithful people, 

and kindle in them the fire of Thy love; 

come, Lord Jesus, come quickly. 
W: Maranatha, the Lord cometh. 

...and celebrating (the most sacred night) the most sacred day, 
whereon the Blessed Virgin Mary 
brought forth the Saviour of our world, 
we commemorate before Thee 
the Mother of our God and Lord Jesus Christ; 
moreover we commemorate 
Saint John the Baptist, the Forerunner, 
and Thy blessed Apostles and Martyrs... 

...and celebrating the most sacred day, 
whereon Thine only-begotten Son, who shareth Thine eternity 
and glory 

was visibly manifested with His body 
in the reality of our human flesh, 
we commemorate before Thee... 

...and celebrating (the most sacred night) the most sacred day 
of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ 
in His human nature, 
we commemorate before Thee... 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 111 

...and celebrating the most sacred day, 
whereon Thine only-begotten Son, our Lord, 
our corruptible nature united to Himself, 
sat down at the right-hand of Thy glory, 
we commemorate before Thee... 

...and celebrating the most sacred day of Pentecost, 
whereon the Holy Spirit appeared to the Apostles 
in countless tongues of fire, 
we commemorate before Thee... 

OR, if it has not been said at the beginning: 


D: In peace let us pray to the Lord... 

For the peace that is from above and for the salvation of our 

lives ... let us pray to the Lord. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: For the peace of the whole world, the life of the churches and 

their unity... let us pray to the Lord. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: That we may celebrate the liturgy in the house of God with 

faith, fervor and obedience... let us pray to the Lord. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: For the ministers of the Church and the whole company of 

faithful people... let us pray to the Lord. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: For the governments of the nations, that they may ever be 

mindful of social justice and of the unity of mankind. . . 

let us pray to the Lord. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: For our community, our village (city) and our country, that 

the faith there may be renewed... let us pray to the Lord. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: For fair weather, abundant harvests and peaceful times... 

let us pray to the Lord. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

112 The Liturgical Movement 

D: For all who travel and are in danger, the sick, the afflicted, the 
prisoners, and that they all may be delivered... 

let us pray to the Lord. 

W: Lord, hear our prayer. 

D: That we may be freed from all tribulation, danger and 

necessity... let us pray to the Lord. 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

(free prayers) 

...through our High Priest, Jesus Christ. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: Come Holy Spirit of charity, 

fill the hearts of Thy faithful people, 

and kindle in them the fire of Thy love; 

come Lord Jesus, come quickly. 
W: Maranatha, the Lord cometh. 

OR, particularly when the litany has been said at the beginning: 


D: In peace let us pray to the Lord... 

Let us ask of the Lord peace in the Church, 

and for each one of us the grace of a holy life; 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: Let us ask of the Lord brotherly love by the help of His Holy 

W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

D: Let us commit ourselves and each other to our God. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: Let us commemorate before the Lord 

all who have left this world and have died in the faith... 

May God bestow on them the crown of life in the day of 

and judge them worthy with the righteous who have pleased 

to enter into the joy of their Master. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

Take and the New Order of Mass 113 

D: Let us recall before the Lord all His servants and witnesses in 

times past, 
particularly Abraham, the father of all believers, 
Moses, Samuel and David, Elijah, Isaiah, Jeremiah and all the 


John the Baptist, the Forerunner, 

Peter and Paul, John and James and the other apostles, 

Stephen the first martyr, 

Mary, the Mother of the Lord, 

And all the saints, martyrs and doctors of the Church, in 

every age and in every land. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: May the Lord God, in His mercy 

give us with them hope in His salvation 

and in the promise of eternal life in His Kingdom. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 

(free prayers) 

...through Jesus Christ, our High Priest. 
W: O Lord, hear our prayer. 
D: Come Holy Spirit of charity, 

fill the hearts of Thy faithful people, 

and kindle in them the fire of Thy love; 

come Lord Jesus, come quickly. 
W: Maranatha, the Lord cometh. 

Offertory hymn 

{Offertory of the day; antiphon and verses of a psalm if there be 
one, sung as at the Gradual) 164 

Offertory prayer 

D: Let us pray (silence, followed by the Offertory prayer of the day) 
W: Amen. 

During this hymn the bread and wine and offerings are brought to the altar; or the 
bread and wine, if already on the altar, are uncovered. 

114 The Liturgical Movement 

Eucharistic prayer 


C: The Lord be with you. 

W: And with thy spirit. 

C: Lift up your hearts. 

W: We lift them up unto the Lord. 

C: Let us give thanks unto our Lord God. 

W: It is meet and right so to do. 


C: {Preface of the day, see pp. 67-85) 


W: Holy Holy, Holy. Lord God of hosts, Heaven and earth are 
full of Thy glory. Hosanna in the highest. 
Blessed be He that cometh in the name of the Lord. Hosanna in 
the highest. 

















Taize and the New Order of Mass 115 







































1 1 6 The Liturgical Movement 






































Taize and the New Order of Mass 117 





Lord's Prayer 

C: Enlightened by the Saviour's precept, and taught by His 
commandment, we are bold to say: 

Our Father, which art in Heaven, 

hallowed be Thy Name, 

Thy Kingdom come, 

Thy will be done in earth as it is in Heaven, 

Give us this day our daily bread, 

And forgive us our trespasses 

As we forgive them that trespass against us. 

Lead us not into temptation, 

but deliver us from evil. 

For Thine is the Kingdom, the power and the glory, 

for ever and ever. 



C: The bread which we break is the communion of the Body of 
Christ. The cup of blessing for which we give thanks is the 
communion of the Blood of Christ. Since there is but one 
bread, we who are many form one body for we all share in 
this one bread. 

Agnus Dei 

W: O Lamb of God, that takest away the sin of the world, have 

mercy upon us! 
O Lamb of God, that takest away the sin of the world, have 

mercy upon us! 
O Lamb of God, that takest away the sin of the world, grant us 

Thy peace! 

Kiss of peace 

C: O Lord Jesus Christ, who didst say to Thine apostles: 
Peace I leave with you, 

118 The Liturgical Movement 

My peace I give unto you, 

Regard not my sins but the faith of Thy Church; 
according to Thy will, grant her peace, 
and gather her into unity, 

for Thou livest and reignest world without end. Amen. 
Peace be with thee. 
D: And with thy spirit. 

(The kiss of peace goes from the celebrant to the deacon, 

then to the sub-deacon and from him to the community 

and to the congregation) 


C: Holy things for the holy. 

W: One only is holy, one only is the Lord: 

Jesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father. 
C: Taste and see how gracious the Lord is. 

Come, for all is prepared. 

Communion hymn 

[Communion hymn of the day: antiphon and verses of a psalm, 
if there be one, sung as at the gradual) 


W: I will receive the Bread of Heaven and call upon the name of 
the Lord: 

Lord, I am not worthy that Thou shouldest come under my 

but speak one word only and I shall be healed. 
May the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ 
preserve my life unto eternity! 

{The celebrant communicates) 

What reward shall I give unto the Lord for all the benefits 
He hath done unto me? 

Taize and the New Order of Mass 119 

I will raise the cup of salvation and call upon the name of 

the Lord. 
I will cry out: Praised be the Lord, 

and I shall be delivered from mine enemies. 

May the Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ 

preserve my life unto eternity. 

{The celebrant gives communion to the officiants, 
saying to the deacon-}) 

C: The Body of Christ. 

The Blood of Christ, the cup of Life. 

(The deacon and the sub-deacon and other officiants, 

if there be any such, give communion to the community 

and to the congregation; the deacon begins by saying:) 

D: Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the 


(At the end the celebrant says:) 
C: Depart in peace! 

{Each goes back to his place, taking up the communion hymn, if 
there be one: the antiphon and other verses of the psalm) 

Prayer of thanksgiving 

D: Let us pray {silence, followed by Post-Communion of the day) 
W: Amen. 


D: Let us bless the Lord. 

W: Thanks be to God. 

C or P: May God Almighty, 

the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, bless you. 

Prayer to Saint Pius X 

O Saint Pius X, glory of the priesthood and pride of the 
Christian people, in whom humility seemed to join hands with 
greatness, austerity with gentleness, simple piety with profound 
learning; you, Pope of the Eucharist and of the Catechism, of 
whole faith and fearless resolution, turn your gaze towards the 
Holy Church you have loved so much and to which you gave the 
richest of the treasures which the divine bounty had so prodigally 
bestowed on your soul. 

Obtain for her integrity and constancy in the midst of the 
difficulties and persecutions of our time, and raise up poor man- 
kind from the sorrows which so afflicted you that they finally 
stilled the beating of your great heart. Make peace triumph in this 
shaken world, peace which means harmony among the nations, 
fraternal understanding and sincere collaboration among the so- 
cial classes, love and charity among men, so that in this way the 
agonies which wore out your apostolic life may be transformed by 
your intercession into a reality of happiness, to the glory of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, who with the Father and the Holy Ghost lives 
and reigns throughout all ages. Amen. 


aggiornamento, 94 
Amay-sur-Meuse (Belgium), 22 
Anglican Church, 21-22 
archaeologism, 26, 27, 30, 37, 40 
Austria, Liturgical Movement in, 


Bacci, Cardinal, 91-92 
Baroque period, liturgy of, 58- 

Bea, Cardinal, 71 
Beauduin, Dom Lambert 

early career of, 1 9-24 

ecumenism and, 21-23, 24-25, 
78-79, 93- 

Fr. Bouyer and, 24, 58 

and liturgical reform norms, 

liturgical views of, 10-12, 17 

program of, 49-52, 72 

retreat ministry of, 33-34, 35, 
Belgian resistance, 19 
Belgium, Liturgical Movement 

in, 9-13, 25 
Benedictines. See Order of Saint 

Bertram, Cardinal (Archbishop 

of Breslau), 42-43 
Besse, Dom, 35 

Beuron (Germany), Abbey of, 9 
Bibel und Liturgie (Parsch), 29 
Biblical Movement, 28-29, 93 
Bishop, Edmund, 75 

Bishops' Assembly at Fulda 
(Germany), 39-40, 42-43 

Botte, Dom Bernard, 67, 86, 89, 

Bouyer, Fr. Louis 
and Belgian movement, 12 
CPL and, 38 
and death of Pius XII, 78 
Dom Beauduin and, 24, 58 
and La vie de la liturgie, 57-65 
and Mass reform group, 89 
and mystery of Christian wor- 
ship, 26 
on paraliturgies, 51, 66 
retreat ministry and, 33 
on Roncalli-Beauduin friend- 
ship, 78-79 
in United States, 69 
on "Word of God" and liturgy, 

Breviary, reform of, 76-77, 79-80 

Brief Critical Examination of the 
Novus Ordo Missae (Ottaviani 
and Bacci), 91-92 

Bugnini, Fr. Annibale 
and Congregation for Divine 

Worship, 91,92 
Consilium and, 88, 94 
Dom Gueranger and, 1 
Normative Mass and, 90-91 
schema on liturgy and, 86 
and Thieulin meeting, 52 

Cabrol, Dom, 77 
Capelle, Abbot Bernard, 86 
Casel, Dom Odo, 15, 26-27, 69, 


The Liturgical Movement 

Catholic Congress at Malines, 1 1 
Center of Liturgical Pastorate. See 

CPL (Centre de Pastorale 

Cerf (publishing house), 24, 36, 

Chenu, Fr. M.-D., 35-36, 38, 76 
Chevrot, Msgr. G., 34 
Christus Dominus (Pius XII), 73 
Cicognani, Cardinal Gaetano, 

74, 76-77, 86-87 
Committee for Implementing 

the Constitution on the Sacred 

Liturgy, 88-91 
Communion. See Eucharist 
community Mass, 28 
Concordat of 1801, 5 
Confirmation, new rite of, 89 
Congar, Fr. Yves, 35-36, 38 
Congregation for Divine 

Worship, 91-92 
Congress of Strasbourg, 14 
Consilium ad Exsequendam 

Constitutionem de Sacra 

Liturgia, 88-91 
Constitution on the Liturgy 

(Paul VI), 87-88, 94 
Council of Trent, 27, 61, 62 
Counter- Reformation, 60-61 
Le Courrier de Rome (newspaper) , 

CPL (Centre de Pastorale 


foundation of, 36-38 

influence in Italy, 68-69 

and liturgical subversion, 44, 

and program of Dom 
Beauduin, 49-52 

purpose of, A7 

strategy of, 57 
Cum Hac Nostra Aetate (Sacred 

Congregation of Rites), 77 


d'Harcourt, Robert, 27 
d'Herbigny, Msgr. Michel, 20, 

Danielou, Fr. Jean, 69 
De Constitutione Missale 

Romanum Gradatim ad 

Effectum Deducenda 

(Congregation for Divine 

Worship), 92 
Delatte, Dom Paul, 7 
de Nantes, Abbe Georges, 2 
de Stotzingen, Dom Fidelis, 20- 

dialogue Mass, 16, 30, 35, 41 
Divine Office. See Breviary 
Doerner (author of Sentire cum 

Ecclesia), 39 
Dominicans. See Order of 

Doncoeur, Fr., 34-35 
Dubois, Cardinal Louis-Ernest, 

Dulac, Rev. Raymond, vii 
Duploye, Fr., 35, 36, 50, 51, 76 
Dwyer, Msgr., 94 

Eastern Church, 19-21, 22 
Ecclesia Orans (Herwegen), 25 
Ecumenical Perspectives on 

Baptism, Eucharist, and 

Ministry (Thurian), 99 
ecumenism, 21-25, 30, 50, 78- 

Editions de Cerf. See Cerf 

(publishing house) 
Editions de l'Abeille, 36-37 
Emmanuel, Fr., 8 
Equidem Verba (Pius XI), 20, 22 
Erasmus, Desiderius, 60-61 
Eucharist, Fr. Bouyer and, 63-65 
Eucharistic fast, 68, 72, 73-74 
evening Mass, 68, 72, 73 



Faith and Order, 99,101 
Festugiere, Dom Maurice, 6, 12- 

Fischer, Prof. Balthasar, 89 
France, Liturgical Movement in, 

6-9, 13-14,33-38,66-67 
Frankfurt Liturgical Congress, 68 
Freemasonry, 52 
French Resistance, 34 
French Revolution, 5, 88-89 
Froger, Dom J., 7, 1 1 
Fulda (Germany) Bishops' 

Assembly, 39-40 
The Future of the Liturgy 

(Nocent), 84-86 

Gallicanism, 5, 61 

German High Mass, 30, 43, 67- 

Germany, Liturgical Movement 

in, 15,25-30,39-44,67-68 
Good Friday ceremonies. See 

Holy Week reform 
"gravedigger of the Mass", 1, 52 
Grober, Msgr. (Archbishop of 

Freibourg-im-Breisgau), 40-42, 

Guardini, Fr. Romano, 15, 27- 

Gueranger, Dom Prosper, 1, 5-8, 

Gut, Cardinal Beno, 91 
Gy, Fr. Pierre-Marie, 86, 89 


Hanggi, Fr. Anton, 86 
Herwegen, Dom Ildefons, 25-26, 

History of the Liturgical Movement 

(Rousseau), 45-46 

Holland, Liturgical Movement 

in, 14-15 
Holy Week reform, 43, 68, 72, 



immanentism, 27 

Ln Cotidianis Precibus (Pius XII), 

Lnstitutio Generalis, 1, 27, 41, 63- 

Les Institutions liturgiques 

(Gueranger), 1, 6, 46 
Institut Superieur de Liturgie, 67 
International Congresses for 

Liturgical Studies, 69 
Irenicon, 23 
Irrwege und Umwege der 

Frbmmigkeit (Kassipe), 39 
Italy, Liturgical Movement in, 


Jansenism, 5, 61 
Jesuits. See Society of Jesus 
Jewish Eucharist, 63 
Jewish liturgy, 65 

Dom Beauduin and, 23, 78-79 

liturgical reform and, 79-80, 

Rubricarum Instructum, 79-80 

schema on liturgy and, 87 

Taizeand, 99, 101 

John Paul II, 100-101 
Jounel, Fr. Pierre, 86 
Judaization, of liturgy, 30, 37, 63, 

Jungmann, Fr. J. A., 39, 69, 89 


Kassipe, Max, 39 

Kirche und Seele (Herwegen), 26 


The Liturgical Movement 

Klosterneuburg (Austria), 28 
Kolbe, Ferdinand, 43 
Kultmysterium (mystery of 
Christian worship), 26-27 

Landesdorfer, Bishop, 39 
Lefebvre, Archbishop Marcel, 92, 

Lefebvre, Dom Gaspar, 25, 41 
Lercaro, Cardinal, 69, 88, 90-91, 

Lex Orandi (liturgical series of 

Cerf),38,49, 57 
Liturgia: Ses principes 

fondamentaux (Lefebvre), 25 
Liturgical Pastorate (Beauduin), 

Liturgical-Pastorate Center. See 

CPL (Centre de Pastorale 

Liturgical Study Weeks, 67 
The Liturgical Year (Gueranger), 

liturgy, role of 

as apostolate, 17 

conflicting views on, 12-13 

as education, 34 

as God-centered, 7-8, 10 

in Middle Ages, 25-26 

as pastoral, 37, 41 
"liturgy of the word", 29, 37, 64 
Luxemburg, Liturgical 

Movement in, 67 


Maglione, Cardinal, 43 

La Maison-Dieu (publication of 

CPL), 38, 47 
Malines Conferences, 21 
Marechaux, Dom Bernard, 8 
Maredsous (Belgium), 

Abbey of, 9 

Maria Laach Abbey (Germany), 

Maritain, Jacques, 35 
Martimort, Fr. A.G., 56, 86 
Mass, reform of. See Novus Ordo 

"Mass of Adrien Nocent", 85-86 
Maundy Thursday ceremonies. 

See Holy Week reform 
Maxima Redemptionis (Sacred 

Congregation of Rites), 74-75 
"meal-sacrifice", 41, 63 
Mediator Dei (Pius XII), 4 1 -43, 

Mercier, Cardinal Desire Joseph, 

11, 19,21 
Merry del Val, Cardinal Rafael, 

Mesnil-St.-Loup (France), 8 
Middle Ages, liturgy and, 25-26, 

Missale Romanum (Paul VI), 91 
Missal rubrics, reform of, 76-77 \ 

Missa Normativa (Normative 

Mass), 90-91 
Modernism, 27, 30-31, 36, 61- 

62, 93, 95 
Monastery of Union (Belgium), 

Mont Cesar (Belgium), 

Abbey of, 9 
Montini, Cardinal Giovanni. See 

Paul VI 
Montserrat (Spain), Abby of, 16 
Mortalium Animos (Pius XI), 23 
Munich Liturgical Congress, 68 
mystery of Christian worship 

{Kultmysterium), 26-27 \ 93 
Mystici Corporis (Pius XII), 42-43 


Navatel, Fr., 12-13 
Nazis, 30, 39 



New Mass. See Novus Ordo Missae 

New Order of Mass. See Novus 
Ordo Missae 

Nocent, Dom Adrien, 67, 84-86 

Normative Mass, 90-91 

Novus Ordo Missae 
characteristics of, 94 
Consilium as Exsequendam Con- 
stitutionem de Sacra Liturgia, 
Fr. Bouyer and, 63, 64-65 
German Liturgical Movement 

and, 41 
Liturgical Movement and, 1-2 
"Mass of Adrien Nocent", 85- 

precursor of, 27 
promulgation of, 91, 92 
Protestant influence on, 97, 99 
as synthesis of errors, 93 


Olivetan Oblates, 24 
On nous change la religion 

(Roguet), 80-81 
Order of Preachers, 24, 35-36, 38 
Order of Saint Benedict, 8-9, 15, 

Ordination, new ritual of, 89 
Oriental Church, 19-21,22 
Ottaviani, Cardinal, 91-92 

paraliturgies, 5 1 , 66 

Parisian Liturgical Institute, 67 

Parsch, Dom Pius, 15, 28-29, 30, 

Patristic age, liturgy of, 27, 60 
Paul VI 

as cardinal, 69 

liturgical reform and, 2 

Missale Romanum, 9 1 

and prohibition of Tridentine 

liturgy, 92 
Sacram Liturgiam, 88-89 
Sacra Rituum Congregatio, 9 1 
Sacrosanctum Concilium, 87- 

Peeters, Fr. P., 13 

"People's Mass", 43 

"People of God", 29, 37 

Lapiete liturgique, principes et 
faits (Beauduin), 1 1 

and dogmatic formulae, 62 
liturgical reform and, 9-10, A7 
Tra le Sollecitudini, 9 

Pius XI 
dialogue Mass and, 16, 41 
Eastern Church and, 20-21 
Equidem Verba, 20, 22 
Mortalium Animos, 23 

Pius XII 
Cbristus Dominus, 73 
common priesthood and, 41 
and Congress of Assisi, 69-70 
In Cotidianis Precibus, 71 
death of, 77-78 
liturgical reform and, 71-77 
Mediator Dei, 41-43, 52-56 
Mystici Corporis, 42-43 
Sacram Communionem, 73-7 A 

Pontifical Commission for the 
Reform of the Liturgy, 71-75, 

"Practical Norms for Liturgical 
Reforms" (Beauduin), 47-49 

Preparatory Commission on the 
Liturgy, 86-87 

priesthood, 40, 41 

Protestant writers, Fr. Bouyer 
and, 63 

Psalms, translation of, 68, 71 


The Liturgical Movement 

Questions liturgiques et paroissiales 

(Beauduin), 1 1 
Quietism, 5 


Raynal, Paul, 36 
Reformation, 60-61 
retreat ministry, of Dom 

Beauduin, 33-34, 35, 37 
Revue Benedictine (periodical), 9 
Revue liturgique et monastique 

(periodical), 9 
Roguet, Fr. Aimon-Marie, 80-81 
Roncalli, Msgr. Angelo. See John 

Rousseau, Dom Olivier, 5, 45-46 
Rubricarum Instructum (John 

XXIII), 79-80 
rubrics, reform of, 76-77, 79-80 

Sacrarn Communionem (Pius 

XII), 73-74 
Sacram Liturgiam (Paul VI), 88- 

Sacra Rituum Congregatio (Paul 

VI), 91 
Sacred Congregation of Rites, 

"sacrifice-meal", 41 
Sacrosanctum Concilium (Paul 

VI), 87-88, 94 
schema on liturgy, 86-87 
Schnitzler, Msgr. Theodor, 89 
Schultz, Roger, 98-100 
Scouting, 34-35 
Semaines d'etudes liturgiques 

(Liturgical Study Weeks), 67 
Semaines liturgiques (Beauduin), 

Sentire cum Ecclesia (Doerner), 39 
Sept (publication of Cerf), 36 

Silos (Spain), Abbey of, 9, 16 
Society of Jesus, 12-13, 34, 38 
Solesmes (France), Abbey of, 7, 

8-9, 14 
Souveran, Pierre, 98 
Spain, Liturgical Movement in, 

The Spirit of the Liturgy 

(Guardini), 27 
St. Anselm's College (Rome), 20 
Suhard, Cardinal, 49-50 
"Sung People's Mass", 43 
Szeptycki, Msgr. Andrzej 

(Primate of Uniate Church), 19 

Taize (France), Community of, 

history of movement, 97-101 

Eucharistic liturgy of, 1 02- 119 
Temps present (publication of 

Cerf), 36 
theocentricity of liturgy, 7-8, 10, 

12, 13 
Thieulin (France), 51-52 
Thurian, Max, 98-101 
traditionalism, 61, 85, 87-88 
Tra le Sollecitudini (Pius X), 9 
Trent, Council of, 27, 61, 62 
Tres Abhinc Annos (Instruction of 

Consilium), 90 
Tridentine liturgy, 26-27, 58-60, 

Trier Liturgical Institute, 67, 68- 



United States, Liturgical 
Movement in, 16-17, 69 

University of Notre Dame 
(Indiana), 69 

University of Washington, 69 

Ursi, Cardinal, 100 

Index 129 

Vagaggini, Dom Cipriano, 89 
van Caloen, Dom Gerard, 9 
Vaquie, Jean, 2, 88 
Vatican Council II, 86-88 
vernacular, 36, 42-43, 67-68, 72, 

La vie de la liturgie (Bouyer), 57- 

La vie intellectuelle (publication 



Wagner, Johann, 30, 89 
Waldstein, Wolfgang, 26 
Wiltgen, Fr. Ralph, 87 
"Word of God", 29,37,64 
World Council of Churches, 99, 

youth movements, 30, 34-35,